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Declaring War - A Threat To Freedom
From The Free-Market.Net: The Freedom Network
www.free-market.net
9-30-1

The terrorist attack of September 11 has been called an act of war; voices have been raised in Congress and across the country to respond in kind. Given the deep transformations that wars of the past have made in U.S. society, Americans should be aware of the likely effects of a new round of hostilities -- no matter how necessary a response to these crimes may be.
 
In 1918, Eugene Debs, a perennial Socialist presidential candidate who was something like a Ralph Nader of his time, was tried, convicted and sentenced to ten years in prison. His "crime" was a speech in which he criticized the conviction of several World War I-era draft resisters and opponents of conscription. Debs didn't enjoy freedom again until President Harding commuted his sentence on Christmas Day of 1921.
 
In the post-Vietnam era, the idea that an American could be jailed for opposing the draft is almost inconceivable. But in times of panic and emergency, the inconceivable has a way of becoming real in a myriad of unpleasant ways.
 
The Constitution itself explicitly allows for only one emergency power:
 
The Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require it.
 
But as early as the Civil War, officials created new "temporary" powers for themselves out of whole cloth. They acted in the heat of the moment, with necessity as their defense and opposing voices few and largely muzzled by wartime passions.
 
In a 1996 speech to the Indiana University School of Law, Supreme Court Chief Justice William Rehnquist said of that divisive conflict:
 
The Civil War was the first time that the United States government mobilized for a major war effort, and a major war effort necessarily results in the curtailment of some civil liberties.
 
Those curtailments were severe. They included banning anti-war newspapers from the mails -- which was how most reached their subscribers. When the newspapers hired private services to circumvent the Post Office, U.S. Marshals seized all copies of the papers and even arrested a newsboy in Connecticut.
 
In an apparent case of treason by inference, the Reverend J.R. Stewart, of Alexandria, Virginia, was arrested for omitting a customary prayer for the president of the United States from his sermon.
 
Civilian courts were suspended in many peaceful regions of the country -- especially where opposition Democrats held power -- allowing the government to parade defendants before rubber-stamp military courts.
 
In 1866, in Ex parte Milligan, the Supreme Court ruled that civilians couldn't be tried by the military so long as the civil courts are open for business. But that was only one step back from a leaping expansion of war-time powers. As is so often the case in the wake of crises, the government retained some of the "special" powers it adopted during the war.
 
That incomplete return to pre-crisis conditions is described by Robert Higgs, author of "Crisis and Leviathan," as a "ratchet" effect. Says Higgs in his book:
 
[A]fter each major crisis the size of government, though smaller than during the crisis, remained larger than it would have been had the pre-crisis rate of growth persisted ...
 
The expansion of government during the civil war fits the pattern described by Higgs and created an enormous precedent for the government to build on during war scares to come.
 
During the First World War, Postal bans on newspapers became arrests of individuals for even the mildest criticism of the government's war efforts.
 
These arrests came courtesy of the Sedition Act, which banned a truly breathtaking range of speech and action. In addition to muzzling opposition to conscription, the Act threatened fines and prison for anybody who dared to "utter, print, write or publish" any "disloyal, profane, scurrilous, or abusive language" about the government, the Constitution, or the military.
 
Eugene Debs wasn't the only American to become an involuntary guest of the United States government for voicing his opinion. In an article for the Foundation for Economic Education, Robert Higgs wrote: "In California the police arrested Upton Sinclair for reading the Bill of Rights at a rally. In New Jersey the police arrested Roger Baldwin [of the ACLU] for publicly reading the Constitution."
 
At the same time, the government intruded itself into America's economic life. Says Higgs, "the federal government ... virtually nationalized the ocean shipping industry. It did nationalize the railroad, telephone, domestic telegraph, and international telegraphic cable industries."
 
After the war, the Sedition Act was repealed and industry largely returned to private hands. But the government was much larger than in the past and Americans not so free as they had been just a few years earlier. War-time roundups of dissidents paved the way for peace-time red scares. And heavy government intervention in the economy continued along the lines established while hostilities were under way.
 
During World War II, "emergency" powers reached a zenith that Americans can only hope will never be surpassed.
 
Officially, newspaper censorship was "voluntary," but significant arm-twisting kept most of the media in-line with the official message. Some publications were banned from the mail or even closed.
 
The First War Powers Act granted the President broad powers to, among other things "cause to be censored ... communications by mail, cable, radio, or other means of transmission passing between the United States and any foreign country."
 
The Second War Powers Act allowed the government to exercise broad economic powers, including seizing private property.
 
In an examination of the modern impact of a declaration of war, analysts for the Independent Institute noted:
 
FDR ... instituted the same controls Wilson did in World War I and added to them comprehensive wage and price controls, nationwide rent control, rationing of many consumer goods and central planning of production.
 
And in one of the most dramatic abuses of power ever seen in the United States, more than 110,000 Japanese-Americans were held in internment camps solely because their ancestors came from a country with which the U.S. was at war. That rationale would have put the majority of the population behind bars during the War of 1812 against Great Britain.
 
Just as with previous wars, the aftermath of World War II left the government permanently expanded in size and power.
 
As the Independent Institute paper added:
 
Much of what presidents once did only during wartime can be done now under existing powers and the right circumstances. . Under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act, the president need only declare a national emergency to assume wartime control over the economy.
 
So, what new powers are likely to be assumed by the government if the recent attack on the United States results in war?
 
Already, in response to the bloody terrorist attack on the United States, the U.S. Senate has passed the Combating Terrorism Act of 2001 which greatly expands the power of federal authorities to spy on online communications. If the act becomes law, the authorities will even be able to monitor internet use without a court order.
 
Sen. Judd Gregg of New Hampshire wants to impose severe restrictions on the ability of Americans to use encryption to shield communications from prying eyes.
 
Some lawmakers are talking about requiring Americans to carry national identification cards, and to show their papers upon demand.
 
All this while the country is still officially at peace.
 
And while these counterterrorism powers sound like impressive tools, there's no guarantee that they'll actually make us safer. Countries considerably more authoritarian than the United States, such as Russia, are still plagued by terrorist attacks.
 
If America goes to war, the power of government will grow enormously -- probably with the blessing of the people. After the conflict is over, history tells us that the state will not give up all of its new powers. And it's by no means certain that the crisis will pass; "terrorism" not being a country that can be defeated, or a single organization that can surrender.
 
Terrorists destroyed the World Trade Center; it remains to be seen whether Americans will destroy the Statue of Liberty themselves.
 
 
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