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'Axis Of Errors' Has America's
Friends Bushed
By Paul McGeough in New York
Sydney Morning Herald Correspondent
SMH.com.au
6-16-2


The White House stumblebum team played fast and loose this week - rushing headlong into every crisis, their loose lips risking greater tension, fear and panic in a world that was trying to cool it.
 
Along the way they angered, upset or confused the Israelis and the Palestinians, and European and Arab leaders who want to see more effective world leadership in settling the Middle East conflict; the warring Indians and Pakistanis; and an anxious American public and increasingly testy Democrats in the war on terror.
 
The latest embarrassment was yesterday's backflip by the Defence Secretary, Donald Rumsfeld, on whether or not al-Qaeda terrorists were fomenting the volatile tension over Kashmir. First the terrorists were in there, now it seems they are not.
 
Mr Rumsfeld set his own trap after talks with the Indian Prime Minister, Atal Behari Vajpayee, this week when he told reporters: "I have seen indications that there are al-Qaeda operating [in Kashmir]."
 
But after meeting yesterday with a furious General Pervez Musharraf, and others in the Pakistani leadership who made little effort to hide their ridicule of the Defence Secretary for being suckered by Indian propaganda, Mr Rumsfeld backed down.
 
This time he tortured the language as he told reporters: "We do have a good deal of scraps of intelligence that come in from people who say they believe al-Qaeda are in Kashmir or are in various locations. It tends to be speculative, it's not actionable, and it's not verifiable."
 
It is not surprising that the Indians, who want Washington to believe they each face the same enemy in their war on terror, would tell a visiting American that al-Qaeda was involved. It is staggering that Mr Rumsfeld bought it with little or no qualification.
 
The Bush Administration also did a spectacular backdown in the case of the dirty bomber. On Monday, a triumphant Attorney-General, John Ashcroft - in a live TV hook-up from Moscow - announced the US had "disrupted an unfolding terrorist plot" to strike America with a dirty radioactive bomb. He spoke of "mass death and injury" and Deputy Defence Secretary Paul Wolfowitz warned of imminent danger to "thousands of Americans".
 
The alleged dirty bomber, in custody in the US, subsequently was described as a "scout" who was thought to be looking for targets but who did not have the materials to make a bomb and did not appear to have a target.
 
In the face of widespread criticism that Mr Ashcroft had ramped the story to take the heat -off the FBI and CIA for their intelligence failures, and to prod Congress into passing the latest Bush anti-terrorism plan, Mr Wolfowitz was much more circumspect a day later. "I don't think there actually was a plot beyond some fairly loose talk," he said.
 
And White House sources leaked to USA Today that Mr Ashcroft had been reprimanded for exaggerating a threat which was known to be minimal.
 
And then there is the Middle East. The Secretary of State, Colin Powell, spent much of this week's meeting of G8 foreign ministers in Canada insisting that he and his department were not at war with virtually the entire Bush team on Middle East policy.
 
Ministers from Canada and Europe expressed frustration at Mr Bush's policy flip-flops and his inclination to accept the Israeli view. One said: "We are all waiting for the President to speak."
 
This was a reference to a speech by Mr Bush, possibly early next week, in which he will set down the latest version of his policy on the Middle East.
 
This week he comforted the Israeli Prime Minister, Ariel Sharon, agreeing with him that Palestinian violence had to stop before there could be progress towards peace, and sharing his sentiment that the Palestinian Authority was a spent force. But a couple of days later he called Mr Sharon to say he was in favour of setting up a provisional Palestinian state.
 
And when Mr Powell gave an interview to a London-based Arab newspaper this week - saying there would be a summit and that he would chair it, that the Palestinian leadership was an issue for the Palestinian people and that Mr Bush was committed to a Palestinian state - he was publicly dismissed by White House spokesman Ari Fleischer for parroting the views of foreign leaders.
 
Mr Bush tends not to be too concerned with the thinking of European leaders. But he will be offended by rising criticism in Britain, where Prime Minister Tony Blair is one of his stoutest international supporters.
 
Yesterday the Guardian quoted senior British official complaints about Washington's "vague and meaningless" anti-terror warnings that were so exaggerated they only caused panic and amounted to gratuitous propaganda victories to the terrorists.
 
One official had said the US refusal to acknowledge the Geneva Convention in the aftermath of the Afghanistan war was "not the benchmark of a civilised society".
 
But the reality of the Bush presidency is that no policy is fixed without an internal war, and increasingly it seems Mr Powell is pitted against a hawkish band that includes Vice-President Dick Cheney, Mr Rumsfeld, Mr Wolfowitz and, more often than not, National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice.
 
It appears Mr Bush allows the team to pull him every which way with their competing views, leaving the decision to lock in on policy to the latest possible minute. It is about that time now on Middle East policy.
 
Mr Powell has been able to slow the White House lunge for a new war against Iraq, but if the president's inclination to go with the Israelis and to abandon the Palestinians is the foundation to next week's speech, the pragmatic Mr Powell may have difficulty dealing with it. The Secretary of State has been the only one in the team to fight for the peace process. What survives in the policy may influence who survives in the team.
 
Copyright © 2002. The Sydney Morning Herald.
 





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