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A Year Of Lies, Lies
And More Lies

By Luc Debieuvre
Special to Gulf News
1-9-4



The year 2003 started with a hoax about weapons of mass destruction (WMDs) in Iraq. It ended with a bogeyman in Libya. But still, both the US and the world are not any safer because of it.
 
Indeed, 2003 will be remembered as a year of lies, not only because the motives for the war in Iraq were dubious and the facts distorted, but also because the prime minister of the oldest western democracy bluntly lied in Parliament about Iraq's capability to launch deadly missile attacks in 45 minutes.
 
Besides, the Secretary of State of the wealthiest western democracy blatantly lied at the UN about Iraqi WMDs hidden in storage places "which can't even be communicated to allies for security reasons".
 
However, nobody was able to find any such weapons after the invasion. Such misleading statements, which cost the lives of many Iraqis and coalition troops since "the war ended" would normally have led to resignations in other democratic countries.
 
Let's forget about Saddam Hussain's capture, which was said to be a "turning point" in the war which is proving to be increasingly silly every passing day. Let's dismiss the "revival of a normal civic life in Iraq", which is not true or "avoiding the partition of the country", which can still happen. The real question is this: Is the world better off as a result of the war against Iraq? The answer is obviously no.
 
A dictator was deposed, which is excellent news, but there are still many around. It is hardly conceivable that a war will be launched against all of them. Christians can go on being massacred in Sudan and pregnant North Korean women can continue to face forced abortions if they try and fail to leave their country. There is no oil in Sudan or in North Korea.
 
Historian Bernard Lewis has recently claimed that "respect for America has only increased with its demonstration of strength and purpose". One should offer him a ticket to London the next time President Bush visits the city. As Britain's Financial Times wrote, "Just imagine how many people around the world would demonstrate against Bush's policies, looking at the number of Brits who took to the streets".
 
A more worrying element is the growing imperial approach of the US, as perfectly described by America's Wall Street Journal in its editorial on January 2: "Another global benefit of the war is the end of the illusions about the UN and a certain kind of 'multilateralism'·
 
The lesson of Iraq is that only the US has the political will and military means to defeat global threats. American presidents in the future will likewise have to build coalitions on an ad hoc basis, often working around a UN Security Council obstructed by France".
 
This is usual rhetoric from the neo-conservative and ultra-Zionist lobbies and the premises for future dictatorships. Yet, the same administration on the same day showed a different side through its Secretary of State in the French daily Le Figaro: "Are we being unilateralist?
 
This is not true. Do we favour military means? Not at all. Is our strategy obsessed with terrorism, leading us to carry out pre-emptive strikes? This is totally erroneous". Whom to believe? In any event, two things are for sure. Firstly, as long as the Bush administration believes that Iraq is integral to the war on terror, terrorism will continue. Is the world really safer today when the entire US is placed on an "orange alert" and violence is a daily reality in the Middle East?
 
The truth is that the occupation of Iraq has re-launched terrorism and made the place receptive to it, notably because an occupation can never become an act of liberation without legitimacy.
 
Pope John Paul II said in his Christmas address: "A victorious fight against terrorism cannot be limited to repression and punishment. It must be accompanied by a courageous and lucid analysis of the underlying motives for the attacks."
 
Secondly, it was wrong to assume that a regime change in Iraq would become a springboard for the resumption of serious talks to resolve the Middle East dispute.
 
"The Israeli government of Ariel Sharon has hidden behind the lethal assumption that it can dictate the terms of any peace with the Palestinians," wrote Ph. Stephens in the Financial Times, even before Sharon spoke of a new plan to build 900 houses in the occupied Golan Heights as an answer to Syrian President Bashar Al Assad's proposal to resume peace talks.
 
More widely, democracy itself is not emerging unscathed from the Iraqi misadventure. Of course, there is Guantanamo; but there is also Libya, like a cherry on the top.
 
"Colonel Gaddafi needs to be applauded in unqualified terms as he has shown great statesmanship," British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw dared to declare, thus joining a group of mentally deficient zombies. Quentin Peel put it aptly in the Financial Times: "Such adjectives seem incredibly inappropriate".
 
It is indeed an ironically cruel co-incidence that the first democratic achievement of Bush's "forward strategy for freedom in the Middle East" be the recognition of a bogeyman, who paid the Lockerbie victims' families $ 2.7 billion to make up for 35 years of absolute dictatorship and sponsorship of all kinds of terrorism.
 
But success with Iran against proliferation of WMDs had too much of a European flavour and the Bush administration needed something more. In the wait for George and Tony to visit their friend Muammar in Tripoli next Summer, Israeli Defence Minister General Shaol Mofaz threatened to bomb Iranian nuclear installations in a pre-emptive strike. At least the Arabs will now know where Gaddafi stands.
 
Neo-conservatives intend to change the world according to their own beliefs and bring "culture" to countries that were merely able to build cities such as Damascus and Isfahan.
 
In doing that, as Martin Wolf wrote in the Financial Times, they have "humiliated allies, undermined international institutions and projected a narrow vision of US interests".
 
This is why Harvard university's Ignatieff thinks that a war against terror without friends and allies will fail because "the Achilles heel of American power has been its inability to understand its dependence on others".

 

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