Rense.com



Al Gore - A Problem
With The Truth?
By Keith Woodard <qwoodard@worldnet.att.net>
11-5-00


 
A recent MSNBC website article casts the Al-Gore-is-a-liar storyline as a myth kept afloat by the mainstream media. "What the case represents," wrote David Neiwert, "is actually a breakdown in basic standards of journalism -- simple factual accuracy -- on a massive scale." [1]
 
The Manchester Guardian has called the American media's treatment of Gore "professional deformation," noting that "the old standards of checking have lapsed." [2]
 
Deserved or not, Gore's reputation has recently brought his claims, even those from decades ago, under intense scrutiny. As with Bush and other politicians, the list expands when campaign literature is included, but false statements have been made by Gore himself regarding:
 
* His marijuana use. * His relationship to the tobacco industry. * Campaigning more in the South than his combined rivals. * Having been a "hands-on homebuilder." * Having been a reporter for seven years. * Half his campaign staff being women.
 
At least four claims have been confirmed as exaggerations:
 
* That as a reporter for the Nashville Tennessean, he "got a bunch of people indicted and sent to jail." (Two councilmen were indicted, one convicted with a suspended sentence. The Tennessean reported that Gore did "play a key role in orchestrating a police sting that led to the indictment.") [3]
 
* That he co-sponsored of the McCain-Feingold campaign finance bill. (He co-sponsored numerous campaign-reform bills while in Congress and supported McCain-Feingold as vice president.)
 
* That his sister was the Peace Corps' "very first volunteer." (She volunteered briefly before drawing salary at their Washington headquarters, and may have been one of the first Peace Corps "volunteers" -- but only in that unusual sense.) [4]
 
No Bodyguard in Vietnam
 
The fourth subject of exaggeration is Vietnam. At various times, Gore has been quoted as saying, "I took my turn regularly on the perimeter in these little firebases out in the boonies. Something would move, we'd fire first and ask questions later." "I was shot at. I spent most of my time in the field." "I pulled my turn on the perimeter at night and walked through the elephant grass and I was fired upon."
 
Gore did pull guard duty, but not at firebases in the boonies. [5] He carried an M-16, although it's not clear he actually fired it. Erroneous reports that he was protected by a "bodyguard" are traceable to Spec-5 Alan Leo's claim that the commanding officer asked him to steer Gore away from insecure areas. "Yet there is no evidence," Melinda Henneberger wrote in the New York Times, "that Mr. Gore sought special treatment, or that the extra notice he got anyway provided any real protection. On the contrary, as an Army journalist, Mr. Gore probably assumed more risk than he had to, choppering around South Vietnam interviewing soldiers who had just seen action." Leo also told Henneberger, "that he had resented Mr. Gore before he ever met him, and changed his routine only slightly. 'I think he did have the bug, and actually wanted to go in the field,' Mr. Leo said. 'There was occasional sniper fire when I was with him, and he took his chances like the rest of us. I guess I still had that animosity that he probably never had a hard day in his life, but when other guys would go to the houses of ill repute, he would stay faithful to his wife and I never saw him treat anyone with disrespect. He wasn't my slap-on-the-back buddy, but he earned my respect. There were some values there.'" [6]
 
Leo told Gore biographer Bill Turque that he doesn't think Gore was ever aware of the commanding officer's request. [7] And Henneberger wrote that "Several other soldiers who knew both Mr. Gore and Mr. Leo in Vietnam said they liked Mr. Leo but either did not believe him or thought he must have taken a comment like 'Watch his back' a little too literally." [8]
 
Jacob Weisberg has observed, "whether or not the conversation occurred, Gore clearly was not specially protected for much of the time he was in Vietnam. Journalists in the 20th Engineer Brigade would often go into the field in pairs on reporting assignments that were in practice largely voluntary. Gore went on many such trips....And often he went not with Leo but with other writers and photographers assigned to the brigade. Leo says he has no reason to believe these other journalists got the request he did to keep Gore out of danger....O'Hara explained to him that he would have to choose between hanging around the base in Bien Hoa in relative safety or venturing out into the field to report on stories.... Gore's decision was to go and see the war for himself, often in O'Hara's company....But they clearly did expose Gore to hazards he wouldn't have faced had he stayed back at the base writing up press releases. Riding on helicopters, sleeping in foxholes within range of North Vietnamese artillery." [9]
 
Turque recounts an incident where Gore volunteered for duty at an airstrip that did take some incoming fire. "William Smith....recalls....when a sergeant asked him to go to Khe Sanh...to cover the engineers' role in reopening an abandoned airstrip. When Smith said he was scheduled to leave for R&R in Hawaii, the sergeant called for volunteers. Gore stepped up and spent a cold night in a foxhole. 'Al did what everybody else did,' said Mike O'Hara, the photographer who shot the Khe Sanh assignment. Although the fire at the airstrip was nearly all outgoing, Gore took no chances, reinforcing the tarmac covering the foxhole with metal sheets." [10]
 
Although some of Gore's early Vietnam descriptions were exaggerated, the "bodyguard" stories are untrue. Gore put himself at risk and earned the respect of his peers. Moreover, he could have avoided Vietnam altogether, since the National Guard, George W. Bush's selection, was available to Gore as well. [11]
 
(Ironically, George Bush, even in the Guard, did get special treatment involving light duty his last two years. [12] Moreover, there is credible evidence Bush was actually AWOL during the final year or so of his service.) [13]
 
Memory Not Perfect
 
As with Bush, some technically false Gore statements can be attributed to imperfect memory. Where Gore claimed a 1996 Texas visit with FEMA Director James Witt, campaign staffers confirmed a 1998 visit with FEMA regional director Buddy Young -- easily confused with the eighteen trips Gore took with Witt. [14]
 
In their first debate, Gore denied questioning Bush's experience. The three brief instances that have surfaced where he did question it -- all roughly six months before the debate -- were not necessarily instantly recallable under pressure. [15, 16, 17]
 
Some statements depend on interpretation. That Gore's union lullaby was a joke ("nobody sings a lullaby to a baby about the union label") is supported by videotape of his teamster audience roaring with laughter. His reason for thinking his ideas were used in Hubert Humphrey's 1968 speech is believable assuming the personality of presidential candidates can include some grandiosity. [18]
 
The Breakdown
 
However, most of Gore's supposed "problems with the truth" do seem traceable to a "breakdown in basic standards of journalism":
 
Alleged Gore fib: That he claimed "to have been schooled in rural Tennessee and urban Washington, when he was educated at an elite private school in the capital." [19]
 
Analysis: This misrepresents Gore's statement. What Gore actually claimed was true -- that he knew firsthand about the "disparity between rural and urban education...because he'd attended schools in rural Tennessee and Washington, D.C." [20] Bob Somerby writes, "But MacPherson doesn't record Gore saying that he went to school in 'urban Washington;' and the entire point of Gore's remark was that he had received advantages at his Washington school that rural kids weren't receiving. The whole thrust of Gore's remark -- which seems to be entirely factual -- is reversed in the Globe's current retelling." [21]
 
Alleged Gore fib: "'I found a little place in upstate New York called Love Canal. I had the first hearing on that issue'....Gore said his efforts made a lasting impact. 'I was the one that started it all.'" [22]
 
Analysis: Once the Washington Post and the New York Times published the identical misquotation, "I was the one that started it all," this one was hard to stop. But a high school class produced a tape showing Gore was actually giving more credit to the teenage girl who brought the Toone, Tennessee case to his attention than he was to himself. After telling her story, he said, "I called for a congressional investigation and a hearing. I looked around the country for other sites like that. I found a little place in upstate New York called Love Canal. Had the first hearing on that issue and Toone, Tennessee - that was the one you didn't hear of - but that was the one that started it all....And it all happened because one high school student got involved." [23] Some insist Gore meant by "found" that he was the first to discover Love Canal. But cases can be found for a hearing that were originally discovered by others.
 
Alleged Gore lie: His mother-in-law and his dog take the same arthritis medicine, Lodine, but his mother-in-law pays $108 a month compared to only $37.50 for Shiloh.
 
Analysis: It would not be surprising if both took the same drug, although Gore 's staffers never did provide documentary evidence. The Boston Globe's objection was that, "The Gore campaign admitted that it lifted those costs not from his family's bills, but from a House Democratic study, and that Gore misused even those numbers." However, Gore gained nothing by confusing the numbers, and may not have said his information came from his mother-in-law. Having seen the study, he could have assumed it applied to her. The Globe also noted, "Those facts aside, Gore's overall message was accurate - that many brand-name drugs that have both human and animal applications are much more expensive for people than for pets." [24]
 
Alleged Gore fib: His father was such an unwavering supporter of civil rights that it cost him his Senate seat.
 
Analysis: According to the Washington Post, the elder Gore's opposition to segregation "angered many of his constituents and eventually led to his political demise. With one notable exception, when he capitulated to regional sentiment and opposed the 1964 Civil Rights Act, the choices he made over more than three decades in Washington were courageous....As Sen. Gore became more outspoken on issues of race and peace over the next six years, his standing in Tennessee deteriorated, his liberal positions were portrayed as contrary to the state's values, and he was defeated in the 1970 election."
 
Of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, "Memphian Benjamin Hooks, later executive director of the NAACP, said the vote was regrettable but 'understandable' as a means of survival...When Al Gore retraced that same path years later in his own campaigns, he discovered that the Gore name had an unforgettable resonance in the black community, thanks to his father." [25]
 
Alleged Gore fib: His claim that he was "the only farmer" in the 1988 race.
 
Analysis: Gore still owns the farm he bought from his father in the seventies, although he doesn't work it himself. His boyhood claims to "plowing a steep hillside with a team of mules" and "clearing three acres of heavily-wooded forest with a double-bladed axe," though widely cited as "whoppers," have actually been confirmed. [26]
 
Alleged Gore fib: His uncle was gassed in WW II
 
Analysis: A 1959 newspaper obituary for Gore's uncle corroborates this. [27]
 
Alleged Gore fib: He was the author of the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) legislation.
 
Analysis: This is a misrepresentation of Gore's accurate statement to Time magazine that he was the author (actually the co-author) of the proposal to expand the EITC. [28]
 
Alleged Gore fib: That he has always supported Roe v. Wade, i.e. a woman's right to choose.
 
Analysis: Gore is telling the truth. What has changed is that he no longer opposes federal funding for abortion. [29]
 
Alleged Gore fib: he didn't know the Buddhist Temple event was a fundraiser.
 
Analysis: A comprehensive treatment in _The American Lawyer_ dispels much mythology and appears to vindicate Gore. First, monks at this temple do not take vows of poverty. And, though candidates can legally hold fundraisers at temples, in this case they did not. Fundraisers and community outreach events are both finance-related, but no fundraising took place that day at the temple -- there were no tickets, campaign materials or solicitation tables. Early memos allude to a Los Angeles fundraiser that day, but it was a separate event eventually cancelled. Janet Reno did not "overrule" most of her advisers in dismissing the case. There is no evidence Gore or any upper-level campaign staffers knew of Maria Hsia's illegal activities the day after the event. (In Gore's otherwise puzzling January 1997 remark, "I did not know that it was a fundraiser," the term "fundraiser" presumably refers to these conduit contributions of Hsia's.) Senator Fred Thompson's Committee on Government Affairs uncovered no evidence of a campaign deal between the administration and China. [30]
 
Alleged Gore fib: There is "no controlling authority" covering his white house phone calls.
 
Analysis: John B. Judis, fellow at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars and New Republic senior editor, tells us, "[T]he [1883] Pendleton Act was not meant to bar federal officials from telephone solicitations aimed at private individuals. There were no telephones in the White House then. The act was directed toward federal employees asking for money on federal premises from subordinate employees who might fear for their jobs. Thus...Gore...got it right when he said there was 'no controlling legal authority'.... Senator Fred Thompson's Committee...acknowledged that the statute didn't apply to Gore's fundraising. The vice president did not break the law, the report concluded, because there was no evidence that 'any individuals called by the vice president were on federal property when they were solicited.'" [31]
 
Alleged Gore fib: 'I've been a part of the discussions on the Strategic Petroleum Reserve since the days it was first established.'
 
Analysis: Critics point out that the Reserve was established December 22, 1975, two years before Gore went to Congress. Gore's staff counters that the Reserve's first storage sites were acquired in April 1977, the first oil delivered July 1977. Construction of the first surface facilities began in June 1978. Gore began serving on the subcommittee overseeing petroleum policy in early 1977, and subsequently voted for doubling the Reserve to one billion barrels from its original 500 million. [32]
 
Alleged Gore fib: He "invented the Internet."
 
Analysis: Gore's wording made it clear he was not speaking of a technical feat: "During my service in the United States Congress I took the initiative in creating the Internet." On May 5, 2000, columnist Lars Erik Nelson wrote, "This claim is perfectly true." On August 9, 2000, columnist Richard Cohen wrote, "He did. You can look it up." A number of those considered to have technically "fathered" the Internet have confirmed the importance of Gore's role. [33, 34]
 
Alleged Gore fib: That he and his wife, Tipper, were models for the main characters in the novel Love Story.
 
Analysis: Gore actually told reporters he read this thirty years ago in the Nashville Tennessean. The original article hasn't been located, but archivists don't think that necessarily means it doesn't exist. Segal accepts Gore's recollection and considers it was the Tennessean article that exaggerated the novel's very real connection to Gore. Segal's protagonist was a composite of Gore and his college roommate, actor Tommy Lee Jones. But Jenny, the female lead, was not based on Tipper. [35]
 
Alleged Gore fib: Of Sarasota high school student Kailey Ellis: "Her science class was supposed to be for 24 students. She is the 36th student in that classroom, sent me a picture of her in the classroom. They can't squeeze another desk in for her, so she has to stand during class."
 
Analysis: Although Gore was incorrect that Kailey was still standing, his statement was a perfectly reasonable interpretation of the September 10 Herald-Tribune article he'd been given the day of the debate. [36]
 
Alleged Gore fib: Winifred Skinner "gets a small pension, but in order to pay for her prescription drug benefits, she has to go out seven days a week, several hours a day, picking up cans. She came all the way from Iowa in a Winnebago, with her poodle, in order to attend here tonight."
 
Analysis: Republicans smelled a rat in the Winnebago, which they assumed she owned. And the Washington Post disclosed that Earl King, Skinner's son, "could easily support his mother. King is an affluent consultant who works with many of the country's major air-conditioning companies and lives on an 80-acre ranch, complete with horses." [37]
 
However, King also said his mother was "poverty-stricken," that "he has offered financial support but 'my mother has declined. She wants her dignity.'"
 
The Winnebago apparently belongs to the Gore campaign, not Winifred Skinner. [38]
 
Is Bush Any Different?
 
For some reason, it doesn't register with the pundits that Bush, like Gore and other politicians, makes statements that seem deliberately false. We know this even without investigative reporters having sifted through twenty years of public statements in search of discrepancies, as they have with Gore. [39]
 
When told that several states prohibit the execution of mentally retarded convicts, Bush replied, "So do we, in Texas." In fact, Bush opposed a 1999 bill that attempted to ban such executions, and it was defeated. During Bush's governorship, African-American Terry Washington, a mentally retarded victim of fetal-alcohol syndrome, was executed. [40]
 
Paul Krugman is not only a New York Times Columnist. He is also the Ford International Professor of Economics at MIT, and served as chief international economist of the Council of Economic Advisers under Ronald Reagan. In 1991, he was given the American Economic Association's John Bates Clark award for his "significant contribution to economic knowledge."
 
Krugman has pointed out that, in his campaign appearances, Bush routinely "pulls out four dollar bills to represent the projected budget surplus, then says that he plans to use only one of those bills, one-quarter of the surplus, for tax cuts. Anyone who has looked at his campaign's own numbers...knows that this isn't right." Krugman contrasts this misstatement, which Bush often makes but which the media ignores, with Gore's one-time Shiloh misstatement, which echoed through the media for weeks. "Mr. Gore's numbers were off, but the thrust of his story -- that drug companies engage in price discrimination, charging what the traffic will bear -- is true. On the other hand, the intended moral of Mr. Bush's story -- that the budget will easily accommodate his tax cut, that it leaves plenty of money with which to secure the future of retirees, rebuild the military, and all that -- isn't at all true.... If this campaign is about 'real policies for real people,' then we should demand that the candidates get the really important numbers right." [41]
 
A week later, Krugman blew another whistle. "Bush's performance on 'Moneyline' last Wednesday was just mind-blowing. I had to download a transcript to convince myself that I had really heard him correctly. It was as if Mr. Bush's aides had prepared him with a memo saying: 'You've said some things on the stump that weren't true. Your mission, in the few minutes you have, is to repeat all of those things. Don't speak in generalities -- give specific false numbers. That'll show them!' .... Is there any way to explain away Mr. Bush's remarks -- three major self-serving misstatements in the course of only a couple of minutes? Not that I can see. We're not talking questionable economic analysis here, just facts: what Mr. Bush said to that national television audience simply wasn't true....I don't want to keep writing about this. But...someone has to point out that in an interview intended to showcase his economic program, Mr. Bush did it again: he vastly exaggerated his spending plans, greatly understated the cost of his tax cut and misrepresented the issues on Social Security." [42]
 
Nor were the debates exempt from such examples. In the third debate, Bush claimed, "I brought Republicans and Democrats together...in the state of Texas, to get a patients' bill of rights through." However, the truth is that this happened despite his opposition. The Boston Globe reported: "In fact, in 1995 Bush vetoed a patient's bill of rights...that contained many of the provisions that he praised last night: report cards on health maintenance organizations, liberal emergency room access, and the elimination of a gag clause forbidding doctors from telling patients about more costly treatment options than HMO coverage. At the time, Bush said these provisions would be too costly to business. Bush did sign some of the provisions into law two years later. But he opposed the right to sue HMOs in court....But a bipartisan, veto-proof majority in the Texas Legislature supported the right to sue. Bush let the provision go into law without his signature." [43]
 
In that debate Bush stated his position on vouchers as, "Vouchers are up to states. If you want to do a voucher program in Missouri, fine." But the Los Angeles Times explains in detail that "George W. Bush's plan explicitly mandates that states, whether they want to or not, help fund the kind of voucher program that is now the top priority of voucher advocates: one aimed at students from low-income families in poorly performing public schools." [44]
 
Historian Sean Wilentz has associated the current Gore "pseudo-scandal" with Daniel J. Boorstin's "pseudo-event." "One of the main features of the pseudo-scandal is that it carries on willy-nilly, impervious to facts," Wilentz observed. "In the past year, painstaking articles in several publications have exposed the emptiness of the allegations against Gore. Nonetheless, the charges linger in the public mind as commonplace knowledge, and the repeated depiction of Gore as scandal-tainted could prove important, perhaps even decisive, in November. If it does, it will be the ultimate triumph of the pseudo-scandal." [45]
 
A Problem with the Truth - Gore's or the Media's? Keith Woodard qwoodard@worldnet.att.net
 
 
From: jr@rense.com X-Sender: sightings@mindspring.com Date: Tue, 7 Nov 2000 16:39:02 -0800 To: webmaster@rense.com Subject: SORRY NEW FOOTNOTES Problem with the Truth Gore's or the Media's? - Footnotes Cc: eotl@west.net
 
just found these...please exchange existing with these and confirm that both arrived and got switched
 
 
Footnotes
 
1. David Neiwert, "Al Gore is a liar? That's not true" http://www.msnbc.com/news/476106.asp?cp1=1
 
2. Harold Evans, "No nose for the truth" _The Guardian_, June 12, 2000 http://www.guardianunlimited.co.uk/Print/0,3858,4028284,00.html
 
3. Bonna M. de la Cruz, "Gore got him in big trouble, but Haddox is a supporter," Nashville Tennessean, April 16, 2000 http://www.tennessean.com/sii/00/04/16/haddoxmain16.shtml
 
4. "Though Nancy was never a Peace Corp volunteer in the traditional sense (as her brother later described her in speeches), she did forgo paychecks in the first few months, and often forgot to cash them when she became a paid staffer." David Maraniss and Ellen Nakashima, _The Prince of Tennessee_, Simon & Schuster, 2000 (Note: the book citation here is from Bob Somerby at: http://www.dailyhowler.com/h101000_1.shtml .
 
I have not personally read the book. One caveat: while I don't think Gore ever explicitly claimed his sister was a "volunteer in the traditional sense," I think it's fair to say he left that impression.)
 
Melinda Henneberger quotes, without comment or contradiction, Gore's statement that, "'I was blown away by his inaugural address. I remember so vividly the thick snow on the seats, and listening to each word bring out such poetic force. Really, it was a remarkable time. My sister was one of the first volunteers for the Peace Corps that month, and the whole family was filled with the excitement of the New Frontier.'" Melinda Henneberger, "AL GORE'S JOURNEY A Boyhood Divided," New York Times, May 22, 2000
 
5. Bob Zelnick, _Gore: A Political Life_, Regnery Publishing, 1999, p 82
 
6. Melinda Henneberger, "Al Gore's Journey Off to War," New York Times, July 11, 2000 http://www.nytimes.com/library/politics/camp/071100wh-gore.html
 
7. Bill Turque, _Inventing Al Gore: a biography_, Houghton Mifflin Company, 2000
 
8. Henneberger, July 11, op. cit.
 
9. Jacob Weisberg, "Slander Patrol: Saving Private Gore?" _Slate_, November 29, http://slate.msn.com/code/BallotBox/BallotBox.asp?Show=11/29/99&idMessage=4078
 
10. Turque, op. cit.
 
11. According to Henneberger, "Al Gore's military record is in no particular need of improvement. He was one of only about a dozen of the 1,115 Harvard graduates in the Class of '69 who went to Vietnam. And even before enlisting, he passed up a chance to serve in the National Guard -- the military option chosen by his presidential opponent, George W. Bush. A cousin of Mr. Gore said she and her then-husband had secured the promise of a place for him in the Alabama Guard. 'I had friends who had gone to Vietnam, and one who had come back a paraplegic, and I was beside myself wanting to keep Al out of there,' said the cousin, Gayle Byrne, of Birmingham, who grew up near Carthage, Tenn., where the Gores spent summers on their farm. So Ms. Byrne's former husband, a member of the Guard, asked a well-placed contact to hold a spot for Mr. Gore. 'When the word came back that yes, they would hold a slot, we were so excited,' Ms. Byrne remembered. 'But he said, I appreciate what you've done, but I just don't believe I can do this.'" Henneberger, July 11, op. cit.
 
12. "It is safe to say that Bush did very light duty in his last two years in the Guard and that his superiors made it easy for him. The personnel officer in charge of Bush's 147th Fighter Group, now-retired Col. Rufus G. Martin, says he tried to give Bush a light load, telling him to apply to the 9921st Air Reserve Squadron in Montgomery, Ala." George Lardner Jr. and Howard Kurtz, "2 Democrats: Bush Let Guard Down," Washington Post, November 3, 2000
 
Web: www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A4291-2000Nov2.html
 
13. Ibid. For this, it is best to read Lardner and Kurtz's entire article at the above URL. However, here are some highlights:
 
"Bush says he fulfilled all his obligations as a pilot in the Air National Guard, but he has had difficulty rebutting charges that he played hooky for a year....Since 'Lieutenant Bush will not be able to satisfy his flight requirements with our group,' the unit told him to report for 'equivalent training' -- such as debriefing pilots -- on the weekends of Oct. 7-8 and Nov. 4-5, 1972....There is no evidence in his record that he showed up on either weekend. Friends on the Alabama campaign say he told them of having to do Guard duty, but the retired general who commanded the 187th, William Turnipseed, and his personnel chief, Kenneth K. Lott, say they do not remember Bush ever reporting....Bush's annual effectiveness report, signed by two superiors, says 'Lt. Bush has not been observed at this unit during the period of the report,' May 1, 1972, to April 30, 1973. Hodges also said he did not see Bush at the Texas base again after Bush left for Montgomery. 'If I had been there on the day[s] he came out, I would have seen him,' Hodges said."
 
14. Terry M. Neal, "Bush Camp Tags Gore as Untrustworthy, Liberal," Washington Post, October 4, 2000 http://washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A9411-2000Oct4.html
 
15. In an interview printed by the New York Times on March 12, Gore said: "You have to wonder whether [Bush] has the experience to be president. I mean, you really have to wonder. ... You have to wonder: Does Governor Bush have the experience to be president? ... Again you have to wonder: Does George Bush have the experience to be president?" Katharine Q. Seelye, "Gore Assails Bush on Taxes And Calls Rival Inexperienced," New York Times, March 13, 2000
 
16. "In any case, Mr. Gore continued his theme from the morning speech, saying that Mr. Bush's call for a huge tax cut 'raises the question, "Does he have the experience to be president?'" Katharine Q. Seelye, "Gore Challenges Bush Credibility on Policy Speeches," The New York Times, April 13, 2000
 
17. "I think it is naive to, and reflects inexperience to talk about, skipping a whole generation of modernization and asking our military services to wait while using increasingly obsolete equipment. I think that view, which has been expressed by some, really reflects inexperience and naiveté. You just can't skip a generation of modernization without paying a heavy cost in the form of increased risk in using obsolete technology." Al Gore, Military Times, April 5, 2000. (Note: This was cited on Usenet. I have not seen the article.)
 
18. "As young Gore later often told the story, he had been interviewed the day before by Charles Bartlett, the veteran Chicago Sun-Times columnist from Chattanooga, a family friend who had known Albert Gore Sr., the senior senator from Tennessee, since his early days in the House. Bartlett 'had passed the apogee of his career' by 1968 but was 'still a very eloquent writer,' Gore said, and was one of those helping Humphrey with his speech at the convention. 'And he came and spent an hour with me, asking what people my age thought about the war.' As Gore sat in the convention hall and looked up at Humphrey in the spotlight, he thought that he heard his own words coming back to him. He was convinced that the vice president's speechwriters had incorporated his suggestions into the acceptance speech -- evoking 'the end of an era,' the promise of a 'prompt end to the war,' the assertion that no one wanted 'a police state,' the call for 'young Americans . . . to continue as vocal, creative and even critical participants in the politics of our time.' Hearing those phrases, Gore said later, led him to the conclusion that 'there was no doubt Mr. Bartlett had faithfully conveyed some of the feelings that I had tried to describe.'" David Maraniss and Ellen Nakashima, "Tumultuous '68 Summer Began Gore's Political Pull," Washington Post, December 27, 1999 http://washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A37508-1999Dec26.html
 
19. Text from Walter V. Robinson and Michael Crowley, "Record shows Gore long embellishing truth," Boston Globe, April 11, 2000
 
20. Myra MacPherson, "Al Gore and the window of certainty," Washington Post, February 2, 1988, citation from: http://www.dailyhowler.com/h051100_1.shtml . I have not seen the article.
 
21. Bob Somerby Bob Somerby, editor of _The Daily Howler_, has an article at: http://www.dailyhowler.com/h051100_1.shtml
 
Somerby's devastating critique of Robinson and Crowley shows them to be part of the "breakdown in basic standards of journalism."
 
Somerby provides some little-known information about Gore's school experience in that article.
 
----- Begin Somerby -----
 
Since MacPherson wrote in 1988, biographers and journalists have frequently described Gore's experience in the Carthage schools. His second-grade teacher, Eleanor Smotherman, has been quoted in several major profiles of Gore. In fact, she was quoted by Gail Sheehy in a Vanity Fair profile right at the time of MacPherson's piece. We're not quite sure how the Globe missed it:
 
SHEEHY: He attended the local country school for a few weeks at the start of every summer and when the folks were away on long trips, leaving young Al on the farm. Miss Eleanor Smotherman, a dedicated spinster teacher who to this day brings her own bread into the coffee shop to be toasted so as to confine her expenses to coffee, had Al Gore in her second grade class. She set him to tutoring the rural kids, who trucked in with their runny viruses from hollers that weren't even places, only near places. [Gail Sheehy, "The Son Also Rises," Vanity Fair, March 1988]
 
If Robinson and Crowley missed Sheehy in 1988, they could have read Alex Jones in 1992. Jones profiled Gore in the New York Times magazine:
 
JONES: Despite protestations that his childhood was normal, Gore seemed to grow up much faster than most of his peers. "When I talked to him, I almost had to look to see whether I was talking to a child or an adult," recalled Eleanor Smotherman, Gore's second-grade teacher in Carthage. [Alex Jones, "Al Gore's Double Life," The New York Times Magazine, October 25, 1992]
 
Jones elaborated on Gore's Tennessee experiences, describing his life when his parents were off campaigning:
 
JONES: Usually, young Al was left in the care of Alota and William Thompson, the tenant farmers who ran the Gores' spread outside Carthage, a small town about 50 miles east of Nashville...[T]he Thompson home had no indoor plumbing and was heated by a single coal-burning fireplace. Al shared a bed with the Thompsons' only child, Gordon.
 
Marjorie Williams expanded this portrait in 1998, writing in Vanity Fair:
 
WILLIAMS: [I]n Carthage, "when he was around us, he never did mention his life in Washington," says Gordon Thompson, the son of the couple who managed the Gores' farm. "He brought himself down to our level. Because he knew, to get along with us, he had to."
 
Gore's parents sometimes left him with the Thompsons for long periods; when he was in the second grade, he lived with them from Christmas until the end of the school year, sharing a bed with Gordon. They were the first of a series of surrogate parents from whom he drew a needed warmth. [Marjorie Williams, "The Chosen One," Vanity Fair, February 1998]
 
----- End Somerby -----
 
22. Text from Ceci Connolly, "Gore Paints Himself As No Beltway Baby," Washington Post, December 1, 1999
 
23. Mike Pride, "OUT HERE: Just One Word," Brill's Content, March 2000.
 
24. Walter V. Robinson, "Gore misstates facts in drug-cost pitch," Boston Globe, September 18, 2000; Glen Johnson, "Prescription story is a pill for Gore," Boston Globe, September 19, 2000
 
25. Ellen Nakashima and David Maraniss, "Al Gore and the Legacy of Race," Washington Post, April 23, 2000
 
26. Washington Post: "Here was the farm where his father taught Al to use an ax, square-bale hay, clear the tobacco patch and once, in the summer of his fifteenth year, how to plow a slanted hillside with a team of mules. The stiff preppy Geeing and Hawing his mules? The very notion has prompted doubts and some ridicule. But his Carthage friends are puzzled by the skepticism. Steve Armistead, Edd Blair, Goat Thompson, and Terry Pope all worked alongside Al for several summers. They fooled around when they could -- filling the cattle trough with cold water and diving in, driving jalopies wildly down the farm hill, hypnotizing chickens -- but not when the old man was watching. 'Senior always wanted Al to do this and do that," recalled Steve Armistead. "His dad really wanted him to work.' Perhaps there was a long-range political purpose to Albert's insistence that his son learn the ways of rural life, but the intent did not seem to be that Al could later use the farm as a convenient counterpoint to his Ivy League schooling. Gore Senior believed that farm work was invaluable in and of itself. Pauline later recalled one afternoon when she and Albert were inside the big house, looking out the picture window toward the Caney Fork, and there was Al down below, behind the mules, and the father said contentedly, 'I think a boy, to achieve anything he wants to achieve, which would include being president of the United States, oughta be able to run a hillside plow.'" -- David Maraniss and Ellen Nakashima, "Gore Learns From Father's Life," Washington Post, October 3, 1999
 
New York Times: "But in separating the facts from the fanciful in Mr. Gore's life, perhaps the most striking discovery is the extent to which the material that is the most widely doubted is also the most demonstrably true: Al Gore did do a lot of his growing up in Tennessee. He did work hard on the farm there -- so hard, in fact, that the hired help felt sorry for him, and thought his father should ease up....In the same way, some of what is generally assumed about Mr. Gore's life is not true: he did not, for example, live in luxury back in Washington during the school year....Mr. Gore's parents were both famously frugal and were not well off until after their son had grown and after the senator's political career had ended. Though they sent their children to exclusive schools and provided such social necessities as ballroom dancing lessons for their son, they also dressed him in a cousin's hand-me-downs and lived in a hotel because it was owned by a relative who gave them a break on the rent....Though his political opponents have successfully portrayed him as a pure-bred Washington creature, with only photo-op moments in the heartland, he did have a life there, on the family farm, and by all accounts a more intense emotional connection to that place than to the nation's capital....Of course, Mr. Gore is the product of both Washington and Tennessee -- and of the very fact of having grown up in two places, with two groups of friends and two ways of looking at the world. He was born in Washington, lived in Tennessee from the time he was 1 until he was 4, while his father ran for the Senate, and then moved between the two places until college.... '[Farm work] was expected from the time he was little,' said James Fleming, a Nashville doctor and friend of Nancy Gore's, who for a time served as the Gore family physician. It was not so much that the Gores thought cleaning out barns would add just the right touch of 'log cabin' to his résumé, family friends said, as that they simply felt it would toughen him up and give him a proper work ethic....He baled hay, cut tobacco and cleaned out hog parlors along with the hired help....But the senator also seemed to revel in assigning his son some of the most backbreaking tasks, like clearing 20 hilly acres with a hand ax....'He'd drive him pretty hard,' said Gordon Thompson, a friend whose family used to live on the Gore farm, back when his own father worked for the senator....But then, [Gore Jr.] drove himself hard, too. Even at 4-H camp, as a 9-year-old, he asked to be given the heavy-lifting kitchen duty usually reserved for 13- and 14-year-olds. 'He was the only camper I ever had volunteer for K-P,' said Jerry Cole, the local 4-H agent." Melinda Henneberger, "AL GORE'S JOURNEY A Boyhood Divided," New York Times, May 22, 2000
 
27. Calvin Woodward, "Gore's embellishments persist, even in the spotlight," Associated Press, October 6, 2000
 
28. Gore: "[Bradley's proposals were] an old-style approach that spends a lot of money but doesn't have any new ideas. [He proposes] the expansion of the Earned Income Tax Credit. I was the author of that proposal. I wrote that, so I say, welcome aboard. That is something for which I have been the principal proponent for a long time." Karen Tumulty, Interview with Al Gore, Time magazine, November 1, 1999
 
"The Gore-Downey bill would aim an additional break at working families with children who are just above the poverty line by expanding the Earned Income Tax Credit." Paul Taylor, "Hill Democrats Unveil Middle-Class Tax Cut Plan," Washington Post, May 7, 1991
 
29. Somerby has an extensive treatment at: http://dailyhowler.com/h052200_1.shtml
 
Corroborating Somerby is the fact that none of the many Gore critiques I've read on this point produce any statements showing Gore ever disagreed with Roe v Wade.
 
30. Roger Parloff, "Temple In a Teapot," The American Lawyer, May 31, 2000 http://www.law.com/cgi-bin/gx.cgi/AppLogic+FTContentServer?GXHC_gx_session_id_F utureTenseContentServer=c511a3ae9203db63&pagename=law/View&c=Article&cid=ZZZ6S5 RQK7C&live=true&cst=1&pc=0&pa=0&s=News&ExpIgnore=true&showsummary=0&useoverride template=ZZZHCC0Q95C
 
Alternate link:
 
http://www.law.com/cgi-bin/gx.cgi/AppLogic+FTContentServer?pagename=law/View&c= Article&cid=ZZZ6S5RQK7C&live=true&cst=1&pc=0&pa=0&s=News&ExpIgnore=true&showsum mary=0
 
(Both links seem to work, and it's important to read the entire article to understand its thoroughness.)
 
Also, John B. Judis, "Al Gore and the Temple of Doom," The American Prospect vol. 11 no. 11, April 24, 2000 http://www.prospect.org/archives/V11-11/jjudis.html
 
(Differences between the two assessments are at least in part attributable to the fact that Judis hadn't read the later Parloff account.)
 
Good introduction to Parloff at by Stuart Taylor Jr., "Gore and the Buddhist Temple -- a Phony Scandal?" Atlantic Unbound, June 7, 2000 http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/nj/taylor2000-06-07.htm
 
31. John B. Judis, op. cit.
 
32. Here is the exact text from: http://www.algore.com/briefingroom/releases/pr_092300_Gore_Wins_1.html :
 
STRATEGIC PETROLEUM RESERVE WAS ESTABLISHED IN 1977. The Strategic Petroleum Reserve was first established on July 21, 1977 when the first oil was delivered to the reserve. The government acquired the first salt caverns to serve as the first storage sites for the reserve in April of 1977 and construction of the first surface facilities for the Strategic Petroleum Reserve began in June 1978. The Energy Policy and Conservation Act of 1975 set in motion the evolving process of setting up an oil reserve that would have 500 million barrels of oil in 1982. [Oil & Gas Journal, January 30, 1978]
 
GORE SERVED ON KEY COMMITTEE ON OIL POLICY. Al Gore began serving on the House Commerce subcommittee on Energy and Power, which oversees petroleum policy, in early 1977.
 
GORE FAVORED DOUBLING AMOUNT OF OIL IN STRATEGIC RESERVE. Al Gore voted in favor of President Carter's National Energy Program which called for doubling the Strategic Petroleum Reserve to one billion barrels from its original 500 million. [CQ Vote #454, 7/29/77, passed 254-120 (D234-17; R 20-103)]
 
33. "Several of the people who could claim to have 'invented' the Internet, or key pieces of its protocols -- in particular, Vinton Cerf and Robert Kahn -- are out there on the Net today defending Gore, asserting that he was the politician in Washington who took the 'initiative' to support the Net in its early days....That's what you'll hear from Phillip Hallam-Baker, a former member of the CERN Web development team that created the basic structure of the World Wide Web. Hallam-Baker calls the campaign to tar Gore as a delusional Internet inventor 'a calculated piece of political propaganda to deny Gore credit for what is probably his biggest achievement.' .... "'In the early days of the Web,' says Hallam-Baker, who was there, 'he was a believer, not after the fact when our success was already established -- he gave us help when it counted. He got us the funding to set up at MIT after we got kicked out of CERN for being too successful. He also personally saw to it that the entire federal government set up Web sites. Before the White House site went online, he would show the prototype to each agency director who came into his office. At the end he would click on the link to their agency site. If it returned 'Not Found' the said director got a powerful message that he better have a Web site before he next saw the veep.'" Scott Rosenberg, "Did Gore invent the Internet?" Salon, October 5, 2000
 
Web: www.salon.com/tech/col/rose/2000/10/05/gore_internet/index.html?CP=YAH&DN=110
 
34. In June 1986, back when there were fewer than 5,000 network host sites (there are tens of millions today) available to a comparative handful of knowledgeable users, Gore, then a senator from Tennessee, introduced the Supercomputer Network Study Act in response to fears in the research community that the U.S. was dangerously lagging in this area. Then in October 1988, Gore introduced the National High-Performance Computer Technology Act. After it died, he reintroduced it in May of the following year. It called for more ambitious funding to improve and expand the connections between universities, libraries and other institutions....Computer scientist Vinton Cerf, sometimes called 'The Father of the Internet,' was co-designer of the communications protocol that forms the backbone of the Internet and a pioneer in the academic/military computer networks from which the Internet sprung. In a statement sent to me Monday by MCI WorldCom, where he is now senior vice president of Internet Architecture and Technology, Cerf wrote: 'Gore's support for the research agencies ... helped to shape the development of the NSFNET--a national network with international connections that took up where its predecessor, the ARPANET, left off. ... By the mid-late 1980s, then-Senator Gore had become a visible proponent of NSFNET, which enthusiasm and insight continued and grew with his election to the Vice Presidency. For having seen the potential in these technologies, and for having pursued and argued for legislation and administration support for research in these areas ... I think it is entirely fitting that the Vice President take some credit for helping to create an environment in which [the] Internet could thrive.'" Eric Zorn, "Gore's Internet Link Is Nothing To Joke About," Chicago Tribune, August 22, 2000:
 
35. USA Today, September 19, 2000; Robert Parry, "He's No Pinocchio," The Washington Monthly, April 2000; Eric Zorn, "Gore Connection To `Love Story' A Muddled Affair," Chicago Tribune, August 28, 2000; Melinda Henneburger, "Author Says 'Love Story' Was Based on Gore," New York Times, December 14, 1997
 
36. According to a debate follow-up story by Sarasota's local paper, the Herald-Tribune, "Kailey and several other students were forced to stand at various times during the first few weeks of school because budget cuts pushed up class sizes beyond expectations, according to interviews with students and teachers and firsthand observations by Herald-Tribune reporters." Jill Barton, "Debate on our doorstep," The Herald-Tribune, October 5, 2000
 
Although Gore was not correct that Kailey was still standing, his interpretation of the September 10 Herald-Tribune article he'd been given the day of the debate was reasonable. The relevant statements in the article were, A) "Kailey Ellis, 15, stands in the back of her science class because there isn't room for another desk to accommodate her." B) "But budget cuts caused class sizes to swell for many public high school teachers this year, and Ellis' teacher, Spike Black, was forced to require up to four students to stand every class," C) "As a result, the budget mess has produced devastating results just three weeks into the school year," and D) "School officials warn that it will only get worse." Jill Barton, "Schools struggle through cuts," The Herald-Tribune, September 10, 2000
 
37. John Mintz, "Gore's 'Can Lady' Not in Dire Straits," Washington Post, October 5, 2000
 
38. The Associated Press confirmed her financial independence from her son, suggesting the Winnebago was not Winifred's after all: "Her role in his campaign peaked when she was driven 1,300 miles to Boston in a Winnebago to be in the audience....Skinner said she did not want to take money from her son, Earl King, who lives on an 80-acre ranch. 'When I can't support myself, I'm done,' she said. 'You've got to have some pride....They say my son's got money. Maybe so, but that's not me. If he starts supporting me, then I'm no longer my own person.'" Susan Stocum, "Gore's New Friend Comes Home Tired," Associated Press, October 6, 2000
 
As far back as October 2, the Post had implied Winifred did not own the Winnebago: "[A]fter she told Vice President Gore at a town meeting Wednesday that she spends up to three hours a day collecting aluminum cans to make ends meet.... the Gore campaign has...dispatched a Winnebago to take her there from Des Moines." Howard Kurtz, "Al Gore's Can-Do Consultant," Washington Post, October 2, 2000
 
This is corroborated by the New York Times: "The Gore campaign offered to fly her to Sarasota and Boston, but she declined because she is afraid to fly. The campaign then offered to drive her to Boston. She hesitated because she did not want to leave behind her 6-year-old toy poodle, Bridget. You can bring the dog, the campaign said." -- Kevin Sack, "Gore's Debate 'Advisers' Include Voices From the Campaign Trail," New York Times, September 29, 2000
 
39. "Many of Gore's inflated claims have been reported, though only a few prominently. But a review by the Globe of Gore's public statements over more than 20 years, as well as two recent biographies, suggest that the pattern has been more pronounced than previously believed, and that it remains unchecked." Walter V. Robinson and Michael Crowley, "Record shows Gore long embellishing truth," Boston Globe, April 11, 2000
 
One of the purposes of my article is to show that, contrary to the claims of Robinson and Crowley, Gore's "pattern" has been far _less_ "pronounced than previously believed." Note that Robinson and Crowley attribute to Gore himself claims made only in his campaign advertising. That doesn't absolve Gore of responsibility, but for an eye-opening look at what happens when Bush is held to the same standard, see: http://www.geocities.com/gore_in_context/b-correct.html
 
In addition to this link (also cited above): http://www.dailyhowler.com/h051100_1.shtml
 
where Somerby dismantles Robinson and Crowley on rural schooling, Somerby pokes more holes in the Globe article at: http://www.dailyhowler.com/h051000_1.shtml
 
and
 
http://www.dailyhowler.com/h051200_1.shtml
 
On the other hand, regarding Gore's claim to seven years as a journalist, I believe, based on information in Turque's biography, that Robinson and Crowley are right and Somerby wrong.
 
40. John W. Gonzalez and Polly Ross Hughes, "Despite records, Bush denies mentally retarded executed," Houston Chronicle, August 10, 2000. Citation is from: http://gore_in_context.tripod.com/b-retarded.html . (Note: I have not seen the article, and the Chronicle link has apparently expired.)
 
41. Paul Krugman, "Wag the Dog," New York Times, September 24, 2000 http://www.nytimes.com/2000/09/24/opinion/24KRUG.html
 
42. Paul Krugman, "Oops! He Did It Again" New York Times, October 1, 2000 http://www.nytimes.com/2000/10/01/opinion/01KRUG.html
 
43. Walter V. Robinson and Raja Mishra, "A few missing facts," Boston Globe, October 18, 2000
 
A lengthy analysis of this is contained in: George Lardner Jr., "Fact Check: On HMOs, Bush a Reluctant Reformer," Washington Post, February 17, 2000 http://washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A61362-2000Feb16.html
 
44. Ronald Brownstein, "Bush Muddies the Waters in Spelling Out States' Role in His Voucher Plan," Los Angeles Times, October 4, 2000
 
45. Sean Wilentz, "Will Pseudo-Scandals Decide the Election?," _American Prospect_ Volume 11 Issue 21 September 24 - October 2, 2000 http://www.americanprospect.com/archives/V11-21/wilentz-s.html
 
 
A Problem with the Truth - Gore's or the Media? Footnotes Keith Woodard qwoodard@worldnet.att.net

 
 
 
 
MainPage
http://www.rense.com
 
 
 
This Site Served by TheHostPros