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The Wrong Model Of War
By John B. Alexander, PhD
5-2-4
 
(John Alexander, an SR reader, is a retired US Army colonel, and author of Winning The War (St. Martin's Press). He is an expert in special operations, and an advisor on national security to the government of Afghanistan.)
 
Casualties mount. Mistakes are compounded. Troops are frustrated. Progress is made. Yet, success eludes us. The reason is quite simple. We have the wrong model of war for the global war on terror in general, and Iraq in particular.
 
From the beginning, the war on terror was defined improperly. Terror is a tactic used in the conduct of conflict. Most frequently it is a tool employed by weak forces against those with overwhelming capability. It is impossible to wage war against tactics or means. In order to win a war there must be a clearly defined adversary. And, successful conclusion to conflict can only come when that adversary acknowledges defeat.
 
Terrorism is an emotionally laden term, one that is used to brand repugnant groups or individuals. Domestically the line between criminal activity and terrorism is severely blurred. As an example, Earth First, an environmental group that has repeatedly committed criminal acts, has been denounced as a terrorist organization by news commentators. PETA, an animal rights group, as well as several racial and religious segregationist organizations, and even motorcycle gangs have been painted with the same brush. Some of these people may be criminals but label them as a terrorist detracts from combating our real enemies. These examples, and others, clearly indicate that an adversary cannot be identified by such an ill-defined term.
 
The war on terror is prosecuted selectively. The Maoist insurgents in Nepal frequently employ terrorism but we pay no attention to that. Nepal does not have oil, nor does it impact our national security. Various African nations experience intertribal terrorism that threatens their stability. This too is ignored, as Western Africa is not on the current administration's agenda. Closer to home, terrorism is endemic in Colombia and sporadically employed in other South American countries. In response, we provide limited special operations forces, primarily to assist in anemic drug interdiction missions. Little is done to counter terrorism on that continent even though there are clear indications of direct relationships between Islamic terrorist groups in the Middle East and South America.
 
Since 9/11 there have been two significantly different wars waged, one by America and its allies, and the other by Muslim fundamentalists. Operation Enduring Freedom led to the displacement of al Qaeda training centers, removal of the Taliban, and installation of a new government in Kabul. Through the politically expedient means we bought military assistance from disparate warlords and supported them with high tech weaponry. However, it would be a serious misjudgment to believe that the converted mujahideen were philosophically transformed into proponents of democracy. They were only looking out for their own self-interests, just as they have for centuries.
 
Larger numbers of American and British forces engaged in Operation Iraqi Freedom leading to regime change in Iraq. However, even with 135,000 troops remaining on the ground, resistance to coalition occupation continues, and it appears to be intensifying. Actions by the Administration in attempting to rapidly install an Iraqi government sympathetic to their wishes bear similarity to the Vietnamization program when we hastened to get out of that conflict. Astute observers know the proposed solution is inviable. Like Vietnam, we proceed in an inappropriate attempt to eschew responsibility for the consequences of the aftermath.
 
American officials brand any participant in these conflicts who is not native to the area as a foreign terrorist. At issue is the anachronistic concept of geographically defined war. Many countries now in turmoil had their boundaries imposed by Europeans who divided the world up for their own purposes. Their cartographers' total disregarded for traditional ethnic groupings and societal affiliations has exacerbated existing grievances and resulted in near constant instability throughout several regions of the world. Yet, we cling tenaciously to the failing nation-state construct and inject our notion of sovereignty to legitimize the conflict.
 
Conversely, our adversaries are waging jihad, or holy war. Years before the attacks on 11 September, 2001 Osama bin Laden had issued a fatwa against all Americans and extolled Muslims to join him in resisting Western intervention throughout the Middle East. He frequently renews those pleas. Therefore, the perspective of our adversaries is that jihadists are simply moving to the battle, wherever that might be, and irrespective of boundaries with which they never agreed. They view themselves as mujahideen, or holy fighters, and therefore lawful combatants, not foreigners.
 
Progress and success are not the same. Daily there are reports about the progress we are making in Iraq and Afghanistan. The reports sound very similar to "the light at the end of the tunnel" comments so prevalent three decades ago. In Vietnam we constantly made progress, but in the end we lost the war.
 
The notion that making progress in Afghanistan and Iraq insures success is unsound. For the past few decades the military has adopted American business practices that encourage constant progress reporting. Therefore, in post-combat environments it is natural that they monitor and report the physical changes and quantifiable improvements. From Iraq and Afghanistan they report the number of schools that have been opened, the number of hospitals repaired, the amount of electricity that is generated, the amount of food distributed, and a host of other factors that can be measured conveniently.
 
The basic assumption by our leaders is that if progress is being made, we will be successful. As we are learning with ever increasing American casualties, this logic is fatally flawed. It is a serious mistake to confuse progress, demonstrated by counting material things, and success. To be successful we must redefine the war so that it clearly identifies a tangible adversary. Only then can everyone understand the objectives and know when they have been achieved.
 
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