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Privacy And Ethical Implications
Of Information Warfare

By Wayne Madsen
Wayne Madsen Report
3-16-6 
 
Historical Redux
The United States government has embarked on a dangerous program to bring military warfare to cyberspace. This will result in threats to information privacy and security barely conceived of some twenty years ago. There is also great interest by some members of private industry to see information warfare expand into a major expenditure area for the military budget. It is fitting to reflect on the words of one former American president who was no stranger to the military agenda:
* "In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex . . . We must never let the weight of this combination endanger our liberties or democratic processes. We should take nothing for granted."
President Eisenhower -- Farewell Address, 17 January 1961
NSDD 145/NTISSP No. 2 Precursors: Government Regulation of Private Sector Security?
Over the past two decades the government has shown a willingness to extend its brand of information security and privacy controls to the private sector. It has consistently failed to recognize that what is important to private industry, namely customer satisfaction, stockholder profits, and availability and integrity of data, are not so important to the government -- which generally operates behind a veil of secrecy and denial of access to information.
During the 1980s, the Reagan administration attempted to extend governmental information secrecy requirements to the private sector when it issued National Security Decision Directive 145 (followed by its implementation order -- National Telecommunications and Information System Security Policy Memorandum Number 2.) By attempting to place a national security caveat of "unclassified but sensitive" on certain commercial information, Congress deemed the policy to be unconstitutional (a violation of the First Amendment right to free speech).
The Reagan policy was largely discredited. However, a small number of Reagan administration defense policy officials, operating under the guise of private sector Pentagon special task force members, managed in the early 1990s to get information warfare and "critical infrastructure protection" high on the Clinton administration,s policy agenda. Their intent, and the intent of the administration, is clear. Rhetoric aside, the government seeks to carve out for itself a major role in information security and privacy policy in those private industry sectors connected in any way to the information infrastructure.
In practical Orwellian "Newspeak," the National Security Agency, the chief eavesdropper of private communications in the world, talks of the need to protect the privacy of commercial electronic transactions. Responsibility for civilian infrastructure protection has fallen into the hands of an agency that has historically shown its disdain for the civil rights and liberties of American citizens -- the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI).
The Clinton administration has sent out mixed signals on where it intends to go with its critical infrastructure protection policies. In this regard, one must merely read the statements of members of the administration.
"We cannot mandate our Goals through Government regulation."
President Clinton, May 1999
"We cannot mandate our goals through Government regulation."
President Clinton, May 1999
"We cannot mandate our Goals through Government regulation."
President Clinton, May 1999
"If the private sector fails to step up to the plate and implement government-level security controls, one option would be government regulations that will require them to do so."

John S. Tritak, CIAO, 14 April 2000 , Washington, DC

 
Ethical Implications of Information Warfare
It is clear that the warfare planners of the Pentagon and its contractors feel an urgent need to bolster the cyber defenses of the United States in order to launch offensive information warfare attacks on other countries.
* Fiduciary Responsibilities -- By agreeing to share internal information with the government, banks may be compromising their fiduciary responsibilities with their customers. The speed at which several banks agreed to set up a financial Information Sharing and Analysis Center (ISAC) with the government is emblematic of the problem. According to an American Bankers Association (ABA) source, the NSA approached the banking organization with a proposal to set up its ISAC complete with NSA-developed technical monitoring capabilities. The ABA rejected the offer.
The FBI also approached the banking group and offered assistance in creating an ISAC monitoring capability for banking networks. The FBI,s system was based on a lower level of technology than that offered by NSA. The involvement of such agencies with sensitive banking systems without a clear criminal predicate, backed up by judicial warrants, represents a severe violation of the constitutional rights of American citizens.
* War criminality vis a vis civilian targets - In late 1999, a legal team at the Defense Department cautioned against the use of computer hacking and disinformation in offensive information campaigns. In a document titled "An Assessment of International Legal Issues in Information Operations," the Pentagon,s Office of General Counsel opined that it was dangerous for the military to contemplate launching information warfare attacks on banks, stock exchanges, and universities. The lawyers warned of the possibility of a ripple effect on civilian populations and unintended consequences for neutral or allied nations. As for disinformation campaigns contemplated by some within the Pentagon and intelligence community, the Pentagon report was straightforward: "it might be possible to use computer morphing techniques to create an image of the enemy,s chief of state informing his troops that an armistice or cease-fire agreement had been signed. If false, this also would be a war crime." [1]
* "Bounce back" effect -- There is a huge threat that if the United States launches an information warfare attack (and there is clear evidence to indicate it did exactly that against Yugoslavia in the Balkans War), the United States could either face a retaliatory attack (for which it is much more vulnerable than a majority of the world,s nations) or it could become a victim of its own cyber-weaponry. For example, if the Pentagon were to launch a virus attack against an opponent, how could the military ensure such digital contagion would not affect the systems of the United States, its allies, its friends and neutral nations? At this time, the Pentagon cannot make any such credible assurances.
* A new international weapons race -- In the aftermath of the Cold War, many nations can ill-afford to try and match the United States in developing information warfare weapons and defenses. Many of the world,s nations, including Russia, are in sever debt situations. There expenditures on such fool-hardy notions as information warfare comes at the expense of social services, education, modernization, and international debt payments.
* Military role in domestic affairs -- The Founding Fathers of the United States and law makers throughout the history of the country, have stressed the need to keep the military out of domestic affairs as much as possible. In the aftermath of the Civil War, when the military attained an omnipotent domestic law enforcement role, the Congress passed a law that forbade the military from getting involved in domestic law enforcement. Today, the promoters of information warfare are calling for a greater domestic law enforcement role for the military and its associated intelligence agencies. This development is clearly not in the best traditions of the United States as a democratic nation based on the rule of law, not on the whims of an Army general or a Navy admiral.
Privacy Implications of Information Warfare
Expenditures on information warfare and critical infrastructure protection have included the establishment of a number of network monitoring and surveillance systems. It is questionable whether these surveillance networks operate within the framework of the Fourth and Fifth Amendments of the U.S. Constitution, namely those dealing with privacy of communications and the protection against self-incrimination.
Some of the more ubiquitous surveillance networks are listed below:
* Information Sharing and Analysis Centers (ISACs) in banking and finance, telecommunications, information services and computer sectors
* Federal Intrusion Detection Network (FIDNET),
* Regional Information Sharing System Network (RISSNET)
* Financial Crimes Enforcement Network (FINCEN)
* ECHELON
* Similar surveillance and monitoring systems in other countries
Perception Management
The military and the intelligence agencies have a vested interest in whipping up public support for their information warfare and cyber-protection initiatives. They seek first to create a "fear mentality." By instilling the fear of "cyber doom" in the minds of the general public, the agencies can then focus on curtailing those civil liberties and privacy rights that represent impediments to their agendas. Recently, this has resulted in an attempt by the Justice Department to amend the U.S. Freedom of Information Act, the result of which will make it harder for the citizen to gain access to government information that is in the public interest, e.g., environmental, health, and safety information.
The military/intelligence consortium also seeks to control the dissemination of news in order to frame the debate on its own terms. They get the media to hype up existent or non-existent threats and military exercises reminiscent of the Cold War. In the past few years these have included exercises with names like ELIGIBLE RECEIVER, MOONLIGHT MAZE, and EVIDENT SURPRISE.
The propaganda elements within the military/intelligence complex are also very open about their need to control new media like the Internet and worldwide satellite broadcasts. This has resulted in military psychological warfare (PSYOPS) programs like the U.S. State Department,s International Public Information (IPI) system, a program designed to place U.S. government propaganda in the international media, including Internet news sources, and a Pentagon program that successfully placed PSYOPS interns within the news organizations of CNN and National Public Radio.
Standing Your Ground Against the Info War Agenda
There is one potent defense against the information warfare/critical infrastructure protection agenda and that is the political one. By using the democratic political process to deny funding for these various info war programs, the military and intelligence agencies cannot implement their agendas. Without funding, military contractors will lose interest in the subject and wander off to some other watering holes or grazing fields to satiate themselves. Therefore, it is important to organize political opposition to these programs at the national levels (U.S. Congress, British House of Commons, Russian Duma, German Bundestag, Japanese Diet, Israeli Knesset) and the supranational levels (European Parliament, Council of Europe, Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, United Nations). The stakes are too important not to act.
 
[1] Bradley Graham, "Military Grappling With Rules for Cyber Warfare," The Washington Post, November 8, 1999, p. A1.
 
http://www.waynemadsenreport.com/infowar.htm
 

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