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The Duel Of The Machiavellians -
Obama vs Petraeus
 By Stephen Sniegoski
7-6-10
 
While Obama is often portrayed as a political neophyte finding himself confronting situations that are way over his head, his choice of General David H. Petraeus to replace General Stanley A. McChrystal was in some ways a masterful political stroke, though it does not seem to have achieved all that might have been intended.
 
Obama's move has nothing to do with any effort to maintain a "winning" strategy in Afghanistan. No realistic person could even conceive of how the US could "win" in Afghanistan. In fact, it would not seem that the central purpose of Obama's escalation of the US war in Afghanistan in 2009 had to do with "winning," either, since unlike his political predecessor, Obama actually gives the appearance of knowing what is going on. Rather, Obama's purpose is fundamentally a political one: preventing, or at least limiting, political damage from the war in Afghanistan. 
 
Obama sees the political need to maneuver between the positions of the war hawks and the advocates of peace with whom he largely agrees. Political considerations largely determine how Obama acts regarding Afghanistan, and about almost everything else he does. (All successful US politicians generally act in that manner.) If he were to base his action on his personal view of the merits of the issue, it seems likely that Obama would opt for peace and pull the troops out of Afghanistan. As antiwar critic Sheldon Richman writes in his article "Endless Occupation?" (June 29, 2010): "Obama presumably would like to get out - he can't be thrilled about presiding over America's longest war - but the cross-currents may leave him no choice but to tread water. The military wants to 'win,' whatever that means, while the Right is ready to pounce on Obama as an appeaser of terrorists if he acknowledges the reality of this inglorious war. (Al-Qaeda has moved on.)"
 
http://counterpunch.org/richman06292010.html
 
Obama's right-wing critics constantly characterize his foreign policy as one of weakness, and it is this notion that Obama goes all out to dispel, fearing that, if this view caught on among the general public, it would do significant political harm to him among the moderate swing voters, upon whose support he must rely. On the other hand, peace voters will continue to support Obama even if he differs with their position at times, because the Republicans advocate a harder-line war position, and voting for a pro-peace minor party is generally considered a wasted vote.
 
 
Thus in the 2008 presidential campaign, Obama held that it was necessary to more vigorously prosecute the war in Afghanistan to offset his reference to Iraq as the wrong war, showing that he was not averse to using military force per se. And in his escalation of the war in Afghanistan, Obama seemed to be choosing a much safer target for his demonstration of strength than the war hawks' desired war on Iran. 
 
Just as Obama intensified the war in Afghanistan to protect his own political image, the purpose of his replacement of McChrystal by Petraeus is also to serve his political interests. The publicity given to the bombshell article in the magazine "Rolling Stone" on McChrystal and his staff, with their derogatory remarks about members of the Obama administration, placed the president on the horns of a dilemma. If he did nothing, allowing McChrystal to remain as head of U.S. forces in Afghanistan, the media would likely imply that he was weak and indecisive and thus incapable of leading the military.
 
However, if Obama dismissed McChrystal, a noted expert in counterinsurgency warfare, he would have been castigated for removing the best man for the job in order to salve his own pride. As conditions deteriorated further in Afghanistan, as they are most likely to do, it would be Obama, not McChrystal's replacement, who would bear the brunt of the blame.
 
The choice of Petraeus as McChrystal's replacement was, or at least seemed at the time, a stroke of pure genius that solved this dilemma. Petraeus, who will step down from his higher position as commander of CENTCOM (United States Central Command), was the only possible replacement who would not seem to be less capable than McChrystal. For Petraeus is widely credited for solving what is generally regarded as a similar problematic situation in Iraq with the surge and is the author of the military's current counterinsurgency doctrine.  
 
Now those few who have actually studied the situation in Iraq know that there has not been a real solution. The rationale for the surge was that improved security would provide the opportunity for the central government in Iraq to work for national reconciliation among the major factions-Kurds, Sunnis, and Shiites. This clearly did not take place. What the surge actually achieved was temporary pacification-in large part due to the bribing of Sunni sheiks to stop their attacks. Serious ethnic and religious tensions remain, which are apt to explode at any time, and the level of actual violence has recently been on the upswing.
 
In choosing Petraeus, Obama also may have also thought he had found a way to derail a serious political rival. Petraeus has looked like a possible contender in the 2012 election. By sending him to Afghanistan, Obama has made his candidacy more difficult. In the words of commentator Tunku Varadarajan:
 
"Obama has, at a stroke, taken Petraeus out of the 2012 presidential race."
 
Varadarajan continues: "Keep your friends close-and the competition closer. There has been a buzz about Petraeus and the presidency since about the fall of last year, and to many in the Republican Party-a party bereft of ideas and credible leaders-the general has increasingly taken on the aspect of a possible messiah. His impeccable military credentials, his undoubted intelligence, his mastery of personal and professional politics . . . plus his undoubted (if carefully tailored) conservatism have led many to see in him a man who can take on Obama in 2012, and beat him. He is even the sort of guy who'd allow the GOP to broaden its tent, drawing in 'undecideds' and independents."
 
"Obama's 2012 Power Play,"
 
http://tinyurl.com/29yj9dv
 
It should be noted that Petraeus has support from both the Republican Right--especially the neoconservatives--and from the general public. For the neocons, Petraeus serves as a replacement for John McCain. Petraeus was the recipient of the neoconservative American Enterprise Institute's highest honor for 2010, the Irving Kristol Award. There was a statement in a military document attributed to Petraeus that held that Israel's actions were exacerbating American casualties in the Middle East, but neocon stalwart Max Boot absolved Petraeus of any criticism of Israel in this instance. 
 
See Boot, "A Lie: David Petraeus, Anti-Israel," http://www.commentarymagazine.com/blogs/index.php/boot/260876
 
As Petraeus' recently revealed email correspondence indicates, the general had close ties to Boot, whom he relied upon to maintain a good relationship with pro-Israeli Jewish Americans. In an email to Boot, written after the publication of Petraeus' alleged statement about the negative impact of Israel on US forces, Petraeus asked: "Does it help if folks know that I hosted Elie Wiesel and his wife at our quarters last Sun night? And that I will be the speaker at the 65th anniversary of the liberation of the concentration camps." Boot, acting as if he understood the collective mind of the American Jewish community, assured Petraeus that this additional obeisance was unnecessary. It must be stressed that this correspondence indicated that Petraeus' has not only close ties to a neocon journalist but also high political aspirations; and that he perceives the pro-Israel American Jewish community to be very powerful politically.
 
Philip Weiss, "Petraeus emails show general scheming with journalist to get out pro-Israel storyline," http://tinyurl.com/2dvpb2o
 
While Petraeus is close to neocons, his political strength stems from the fact that, like Dwight D. Eisenhower, he is seen to be above partisan politics, as political commentator Peter Beinart has pointed out in his article, "Petraeus for President?"
 
http://tinyurl.com/26mrt6w
 
The Senate's unanimous vote on June 30, 2010, to confirm Petraeus as the next commander of U.S. forces in Afghanistan illustrates his widespread support, which transcends political ideology. This broad appeal distinguishes Petraeus from leading Republican political figures such as Sarah Palin, who have strong appeal on the Right, but little support, and much opposition, beyond this ideological segment. 
 
But if Petraeus wanted to run for President, why didn't he just refuse Obama's offer to command the troops in Afghanistan and say that there was more pressing work to be done at CENTCOM? In the military hierarchy, going from CENTCOM commander, where Petraeus oversaw American forces throughout much of the broader Middle East region, to Afghan Theater commander was technically a demotion. But the war in Afghanistan is the major military issue at this time. And Petraeus' heroic image makes him appear as far and away the best man for the job. If he rejected such an offer, Petraeus would seem more interested in his own career than in the good of his country. Such a refusal would undermine his image as a self-sacrificing patriot, and his presidential chances would be severely harmed, if not ruined.
 
Now, if everything goes according to form, Petraeus is going to be too occupied in Afghanistan to be able to engage in the public self-promotion that would be necessary to facilitate his run for the presidency. And if the situation in Afghanistan fails to improve dramatically, which is most likely, Petraeus will lose the aura of a military genius, and his political appeal will evaporate. Moreover, the military's current counterinsurgency doctrine, of which Petraeus is the author, would be shown to be ultimately ineffective. As the perceptive war commentators Robert Dreyfuss and Tom Engelhardt observe: "Afghanistan is the place where theories of warfare go to die, and if the COIN [counterinsurgency] theory isn't dead yet, it's utterly failed so far to prove itself. The vaunted February offensive into the dusty hamlet of Marjah in Helmand province has unraveled. The offensive into Kandahar, the birthplace of the Taliban and a seething tangle of tribal and religious factions, once touted as the potential turning point of the entire war, has been postponed indefinitely. After nine years, the Pentagon has little to show for its efforts, except ever rising casualties and money spent."
 
"The President Chooses the Guru," June 28, 2010 http://original.antiwar.com/engelhardt/2010/06/27/the-president-chooses-the-guru/
 
Obama, on the other hand, would come out of the Afghan misadventure in the best political shape possible, since it could be said that he did all that was possible to snatch victory out of the jaws of defeat.
 
See Ditz, "Awash With Fictional 'Success,' Deployment Sets Petraeus Up for a Big Fall"
 
http://tinyurl.com/29rwwe8
 
In short, Obama has sent Petraeus out to fail, thus tarnishing the general's image of invincibility and also discrediting the war in Afghanistan. For having provided the proponents of military victory in Afghanistan with additional troops, resources, and now the Napoleon of counterinsurgency, Obama has given them more than enough rope to hang themselves. At the point it became apparent to the great majority of the American people that the US could not achieve victory in Afghanistan, despite the most strenuous efforts, the ever-cautious Obama would see that it had become politically safe to declare the war militarily unwinnable and seek some type of diplomatic solution. That is probably something he has wanted to do all along but feared doing when it was still possible that a substantial proportion of the public would blame him for losing Afghanistan. At least, that is how everything would work out if things went according to form.
 
Unfortunately for Obama, in Petraeus he is dealing with a very politically savvy individual, who knows above all else how to protect his own image. Petraeus is simply too crafty to fall into this trap. Just as he was smart enough to make the surge in Iraq appear like a great success, he is showing himself to be making every effort to avoid the possibility of taking the blame for any failure in Afghanistan.. In his confirmation hearing, Petraeus told the Senate Armed Services Committee not to expect any success soon in Afghanistan. Commentator Jason Ditz writes that "the general seems to be determined to downplay any hopes of a quick turnaround or even a long-term turnaround of the disastrous war."
 
http://tinyurl.com/2g46lcv
 
In his prepared remarks for the committee, Petraeus stated: "My sense is that the tough fighting will continue; indeed, it may get more intense in the next few months." http://news.yahoo.com/s/nm/20100629/pl_nm/us_afghanistan_usa_6
 
Although Petraeus professed support for Obama's policy in Afghanistan, which includes the July 2011 troop-withdrawal timeline, he essentially says that there is not going to be much, if any, progress by that date and if the United States wants to win it will have to maintain substantial forces there for the long term. While Petraeus is too careful to explicitly attack Obama's July 2011 timeline, his view on the war is rendering it meaningless. He has stated that "It's important to note that July 2011 will be the beginning of a process ... not the date by which we head for the exits and turn off the lights."
 
http://www.politico.com/news/stories/0610/39205.html#ixzz0sTzCVENL
 
Petraeus did not specifically state when the United States should exit Afghanistan or even what progress would look like. Consequently, there will be no way to blame Petraeus for failure in Afghanistan because he has not defined success. In short, Petraeus provided a masterful demonstration of the bureaucratic art of pre-emptive CYA. 
 
Now Petraeus has certainly protected himself from any possible blame but we can wonder why members of the Congress should ever support such an undefined mission, which would be somewhat like Congress providing billions of dollars to fund a NASA manned mission to Mars without the head of NASA specifically saying when and if the red planet would ever be reached.
 
In the U.S. Senate's whirlwind confirmation of Petraeus as commander of US forces in Afghanistan, no member of the self-styled "World's Greatest Deliberative Body" was able to transition from Petraeus' testimony to question the whole purpose of the Afghan war. If there are no concrete benchmarks or an exit date, what is the purpose for the US being there? And how can it be determined whether the US effort is worth it?
 
Members of the US Senate Armed Services committee should have bombarded Petraeus with these questions at his confirmation hearing, and not allowed him to get away with his nebulous descriptions. And there should have been discussion of these broad issues on the floor of the US Senate before the final confirmation vote. But none of this was done. The members of the Senate were too much in awe of Petraeus' great stature, and too fearful that anything they said might be interpreted as harsh questioning of the highly esteemed military leader, which could do them political harm. As national security specialist Winslow T. Wheeler observes in his aptly titled article, "General Petraeus and His Senate Vassals": "Basically it was a hearing chaired by General Petraeus and attended by politicians supplicating him to offer any response he might care to, preferably blessing the 'questioner' with either praise or agreement. It wasn't oversight; it was bad theater."
 
http://www.counterpunch.org/wheeler06252010.html
 
So Obama is in no better position than he was before the McChrystal affair. As the war drags on interminably, it is Obama, not Petraeus, who will be held responsible. If he were a real leader, Obama would be willing to take the political risk for his decision on the matter of war, but he is unwilling to do this. General Petraeus, on the other hand, remains in a position to grab the presidency in 2012, if Obama's standing in the polls does not improve.
 
________________________________________________________________________
 
http://news.antiwar.com/2010/06/25/awash-with-fictional
-success-deployment-sets-petraeus-up-for-a-big-fall/print/
 
http://tinyurl.com/29rwwe8
 
Awash With Fictional 'Success,' Deployment Sets Petraeus Up for a Big Fall
 
Posted By Jason Ditz On June 25, 2010 @ 7:34 pm In Uncategorized | No Comments
 
It may seem hard to believe at this point, but it wasn't so many years ago that Gen. David Petraeus was in very much the same position as Gen. Stanley McChrystal found himself in. The public face of President Bush's failing war in Iraq, Petraeus' popularity was plummeting, and his future was very much in doubt.
 
By a stroke of good luck, Gen. Petraeus found himself credited with "winning" the war in Iraq not through anything he did, but rather because his disastrous tenure was so bloody and had driven so many Iraqis from their homes that the secularly split neighborhoods had all but been emptied out and, predictably, violence dropped.
 
It didn't end the war, of course, and after a brief lull people started moving back to these neighborhoods, and we are seeing once again that violence is back on the rise in Iraq. The war that Petraeus "won," at least in the administration's eyes, is still going on, and going badly.
 
But this isn't about the myth of Petraeus' first victory, an old story, but rather President Obama's selection of Petraeus as the new face of his own primary war, in Afghanistan, where he is expected to take largely the same strategy that didn't really work in Iraq, and replicate the drop in violence in Afghanistan.
 
It is not lost on many people that the war in Afghanistan is a very different war than the one in Iraq, but the reality is that the Obama Administration has been trying to shoe-horn the Iraq strategy onto Afghanistan since the president took office, escalating the war over and over and watching with endless optimism as the conflict continues to get worse.
 
But having gone from the failing general in Iraq to a modern day savior of the endless warfare state, the myth of the general's competence has landed him into the most unenviable position possible, the commander of the Afghan War, which is steadily spiraling out of control.
 
To make matters worse, there is no external savior for Petraeus this time. The violence in Afghanistan isn't a side effect of the American occupation but something fueled directly by it and aimed directly against it. There is no ethnic or sectarian divide that, through sheer disastrous failure, will quiet down simply for lack of immediate proximity.
 
In fact the proximity problem has gotten worse over time, as the US adds more troops in the areas with the most insurgents. The escalation plan would also add Afghan forces to these areas, providing another target.
 
While the results of the Obama Administration's strategy so far are pretty clear, an ever worsening security situation, the plan remains unchanged, and the hope that Petraeus can turn the situation around with more of the same woefully misguided. The only question is how long the situation can continue to worsen before people start to question why the so-called Petraeus magic isn't transferring to Afghanistan.
 
Article printed from News From Antiwar.com: http://news.antiwar.com
 
URL to article: http://news.antiwar.com/2010/06/25/awash-with-fictional-
success-deployment-sets-petraeus-up-for-a-big-fall/
 
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
 
 
http://www.thedailybeast.com/blogs-and-stories/2010-06-23/david-
petraeus-news-how-obama-took-a-rival-out-of-the-2012-running/
 
http://tinyurl.com/29yj9dv
 
Obama's 2012 Power Play
 
by Tunku Varadarajan
 
The Daily Beast
 
Obama's decision to replace Gen. McChrystal with Iraq war hero David Petraeus was more than just a way to keep the Afghan battle on course. Tunku Varadarajan on the president's masterstroke.
 
Barack Obama, who has in recent days turned haplessness into an art form, played a masterstroke today, making perhaps the canniest, wiliest, even wisest decision of his generally rudderless presidency. I refer, of course, to his appointment of David Petraeus to the Afghan war command, in place of the Rolling-Stoned Stanley McChrystal. In doing so, Obama has, at a stroke, taken Petraeus out of the 2012 presidential race.
 
Keep your friends close-and the competition closer. There has been a buzz about Petraeus and the presidency since about the fall of last year, and to many in the Republican Party-a party bereft of ideas and credible leaders-the general has increasingly taken on the aspect of a possible messiah. His impeccable military credentials, his undoubted intelligence, his mastery of personal and professional politics (you wouldn't catch him talking to Rolling Stone in a million years), plus his undoubted (if carefully tailored) conservatism have led many to see in him a man who can take on Obama in 2012, and beat him. He is even the sort of guy who'd allow the GOP to broaden its tent, drawing in "undecideds" and independents.
 
This can no longer happen. And Obama's brilliant move also preserves his own Afghan war strategy (which is effectively a Petraeus-McChrystal strategy). So, in throwing out the "McChrystal bathwater," he has been careful not to jettison the "policy baby."
 
To those tempted to argue that Obama has now elevated Petraeus to Eisenhower-like status, I'd point out that Eisenhower never ran for office against a president who raised him up to the military apex. I have met Petraeus, and had the chance to talk to him in an informal way, and I would be flabbergasted if he would now contemplate a political run against a man who has entrusted him with America's most sensitive theater of war. Besides, the job Petraeus is taking would normally be a two-year stint.
 
To those tempted to argue that Obama has now elevated Petraeus to Eisenhower-like status, I'd point out that Eisenhower never ran for office against a president who raised him up to the military apex.
 
So Obama has reason to be delighted with himself right now: He has sacked a recalcitrant big-mouth; he has entrusted said big-mouth's job to a certified hero and military star; and he's taken that star out of contention for 2012, making his own re-election that much more likely, given the headless turkey that is currently the GOP.
 
Tunku Varadarajan is a national affairs correspondent and writer at large for The Daily Beast. He is also a research fellow at Stanford's Hoover Institution and a professor at NYU's Stern Business School. He is a former assistant managing editor at The Wall Street Journal. (Follow him on Twitter here.)
 
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
 
Petraeus for President?
 
by Peter Beinart
 
October 12, 2009
 
 
http://www.thedailybeast.com/blogs-and-stories/2009-10-12/
petraeus-for-president/?cid=hp:mainpromo4
 
http://tinyurl.com/26mrt6w
 
 
The GOP, torn apart by extremists, needs a hero to step up and lead the party. Peter Beinart thinks General David Petraeus is a lot like Ike.
 
Remember last winter, when liberals were complaining that Barack Obama had kept Bush family consigliere Robert Gates as his secretary of Defense and named a John McCain buddy, General James Jones, as his National Security Adviser? They're not complaining now. Today, Gates and Jones are MoveOn's best friends, because they provide the political cover that Obama needs to reject General Stanley McChrystal's call for more troops in Afghanistan. Imagine if Richard Danzig was Defense secretary and Susan Rice was NSC adviser, as many had expected. Obama would have never dared send them out to publicly slap down McChrystal, as both Gates and Jones have done. With liberal civilians in key posts, Obama's administration would have appeared more dovish, which, ironically, would have made it harder for Obama to actually do the dovish thing.
 
But as shrewd as Obama has been about the politics of national security, his showdown with McChrystal still offers the GOP its best chance so far of getting up off the mat. It's worth remembering that the last time the Republican Party was in this bad a shape, in the early 1950s, two generals helped resuscitate it. The first was Douglas MacArthur, who in 1951 accused President Harry Truman of appeasement for scaling back America's objectives in Korea. The confrontation cost MacArthur his job, but it cost Truman his popularity. In the almost two years that Truman served as president after firing MacArthur, his approval rating never reached 40 percent.
 
It's worth remembering that the last time the Republican Party was in this bad a shape, in the early 1950s, two generals helped resuscitate it.
 
There's another analogy, however, that should worry Democrats even more: Not between General MacArthur and General McChrystal, but between General Dwight Eisenhower and General David Petraeus. Pundits have mused about the Eisenhower-Petraeus comparison before, but the Afghanistan slugfest gives it new relevance. In the late Truman years, MacArthur, Joseph McCarthy, and the rest of the Republican right wing were a bit like Sarah Palin and Glenn Beck today. They succeeded in bloodying the Democrats and scaring the country about overseas threats. But their overseas warmongering and domestic radicalism made them too extreme to ever win national office themselves.
 
Ike was different. He exploited the right's hysteria, and yet sailed above it at the same time. He refused to condemn McCarthy, and implied that he too believed that Truman's containment policies constituted appeasement, but he maintained his calm, soothing tone. As a war hero who stood apart from the partisan brawling around him, he retained a personal brand far stronger than either party's.
 
As personalities, the syntax-mangling Ike and the self-consciously intellectual David Petraeus don't have much in common. But politically, they're in a parallel position. Today's GOP has a right-wing base that can damage Obama, but none of its favorites have a prayer of winning the White House. The reason is that just like the Republican right of the early 1950s, which kept insisting that the New Deal constituted socialism (or fascism), today's conservative activists have not accommodated themselves to some basic shifts in public mood. Over the past couple of decades, the American people have grown more pro-environment, more culturally tolerant, and more suspicious of the unregulated free market, and yet the Republican Party has responded with a series of litmus tests for its presidential candidates that represent the political equivalent of sticking your fingers in your ears and yelling "la la la, I can't hear you."
 
_________________________
 
http://news.antiwar.com/2010/06/29/confirmed-by-senate-
petraeus-downplays-war-expectations/print/
 
http://tinyurl.com/2cczpk3
 
Confirmed by Senate, Petraeus Downplays War Expectations
 
Posted By Jason Ditz On June 29, 2010 @ 4:52 pm In Uncategorized 
 
Less than one week after Gen. Stanley McChrystal was relieved of his command over the Afghan War, his replacement Gen. David Petraeus was confirmed by the Senate, while delivering prepared testimony promising little in the way of changes and more violence ahead.
 
Perhaps the most troubling prediction from Gen. Petraeus was that the violence was going to continue to rise in the months ahead, and with it the casualties. The death toll for NATO troops in Afghanistan this month has by far dwarfed the previous record, and at least 99 troops have been reported slain.
 
Since his appointment by President Obama, Gen. Petraeus has been touted as likely to turn the war around, despite any changes in specific strategy. So far however, the general seems to be determined to downplay any hopes of a quick turnaround or even a long-term turnaround of the disastrous war.
 
In fact over eight and a half years after the war began, Gen. Petraeus' most optimistic comment was to say that it was "possible" there would be some progress made at some unspecified point in the future. Pentagon officials had previously been claiming that some undetectable momentum changes were already being made, as they attempt to convince Congress to pass another $33 billion in emergency funding for the conflict.
 
Article printed from News From Antiwar.com: http://news.antiwar.com
 
URL to article: http://news.antiwar.com/2010/06/29/confirmed-by-
senate-petraeus-downplays-war-expectations/

 
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