Of Gabon-Congo Was|
Smuggled Into West Africa
By Yoichi Shimatsu
Exclusive To Rense.com
This essay, the sixth in a series on ebola and biowarfare, looks at the findings from a just-completed gene analysis of the ebola virus strain by an international team of microbiologists and medical doctors. Their conclusion is that the RNA structure of the ebola virus raging through West Africa is a direct derivative from the Gabon-Congo outbreaks in 2002 and 2003.
The lineage provides important clues as to how Zaire ebola (ZEBOV-Gabon/Congo) was transferred to West Africa over a distance of 4,000 kilometers and a lapse of 10 years without being detected along the way. Zaire ebola is neither native to West Africa nor could it have arrived via any natural or accidental means without triggering intermediate outbreaks.
Nobody has stepped forward to claim responsibility for an inadvertent release of Zaire ebola in shipment, through a drug trial or a lab accident. The question therefore arises: Why would anyone take the risks and take on the expenses of inserting the virus into a remote district of Gabon a decade after obtaining the sample from Gabon? At this point in the contagion, one of those risks is to be apprehended for manslaughter at minimum or premeditated mass murder. So, if the contagion is a criminal act, the suspect must be as highly educated, trained in science, brilliant and devious as the fictional Dr. Moriarty. What could be his game? Or was the plot hatched by an institute or corporation?
Tracking the Killer
The research team did not interpret their findings any further because so many variables and uncertainties are involved in this outbreak. Whatever the uncertainties, data from Harvard and Broad Institute tend to affirm the possibility of ZEBOV-Gabon/Congo coming from a microbiology lab that was involved in the Central African pandemic a decade ago. Further strengthening the case for an escape from bio-secure confinement, the White House has just ordered an inspection and inventory of all federal laboratories involved in virology in the search for missing or contaminated samples of pathogens.
Much more forensic evidence is needed to determine whether the virus was released in a deliberate act of biowarfare to destabilize resource-rich West Africa or for an illegal “live trial” in humans using an active infectious virus. At this point, the only way to gather more clues is to match the microbiological findings with the natural ecosystem and human social-political environment in Gabon and the Republic of Congo (Brazzaville). The investigative process promises neither a quick solution nor ready conclusions.
This series of forensic articles marshals the scientific facts and background into plausible scenarios for how and why Zaire ebola was inserted into Guinea, epicenter of the first outbreak in late December. In each of these essays, a country involved in biowarfare research is spotlighted to weigh evidence for and against its culpability in triggering the current outbreak. It is now the turn of Canada, especially its hidden research ties with Nazi scientists under postwar Operation Matchbox and more recent cooperation with the military microbiology lab of the Bundeswehr, the army of the German Federal Republic.
While the Canadian equivalent of the notorious MK-ULTRA mind-control program has been partially exposed by its victims and critics, next to nothing has been disclosed about Ottawa’s secret connections with Nazi microbiology. The only foreign medical teams present in the late phase of the Gabon-Congo outbreak were from a German military lab based in Munich and a Canadian microbiology team. The Canadian virologists were from the Manitoba lab that has since animal-tested the ZMapp antibodies for the British Defence Ministry and the Pentagon. Canada’s past record of live trials of German toxic agents on its own citizens is reason enough to list that government among the top suspects behind the present ebola contagion.
Dying for Truth
Before cross-referencing the forensic evidence with political background, highest praise should be accorded to the five African doctors who died of ebola in Sierra Leone while treating patients and gathering samples for the recent genome survey. Scientific truth sometimes demands the ultimate sacrifice for the public welfare. The loss of those brave professionals should compel the world medical community to repudiate the profiteering and instead devote every ounce of effort toward breaking the replication cycle of the ebola virus to save humans and wildlife on the last untamed frontier of this planet.
Kenema Government Hospital in Sierra Leone was the sole collection point for the 99 ebola genomes from 78 patients. Working round the clock for a month, the team analyzed gene sequences that reveal the virus is descended from an ebola strain from the 2002-2003 outbreak in Gabon and the Republic of Congo (Brazzaville). The Middle African variant that erupted in the West Cuvette region of Congo (Brazzaville) emerged in low-land gorillas in 2002, killing an estimated 5,000 apes, before moving into the human population. In the second wave of 2003 at the same location, it recurred, crossing into humans, reportedly through a dead chimpanzee eaten by elephant poachers.
When Numbers Don’t Add Up
A decade later, that same virus strain reappeared in Guinea, in distant West Africa in late January of this year. Two months later, the infection was carried across the border into Sierra Leone by a traditional healer or “witch doctor”who became infected and died in the northeastern Kailahum district. At his funeral, mourning family members and followers were infected, triggering the second and more powerful wave of the regional contagion.
The genome researchers report that 50 genes were altered during cross-infection throughout eastern Sierra Leone in that “second wave” of the outbreak. When highly contagious viruses move into new territory with large populations, they tend to rapidly multiply and, in the haste, experience minor gene mutations. Moving from cluster to cluster of human hosts, genetic variants split off, showing slight differences from the parent genome.
As infections spread across a human population, the map of these paths appears much like the spreading branches of a tree. In this cascade of successive variants, slight changes to the RNA sequence can be used to reconstruct a chronology of dates and places. Tracing the tree branches in reverse is a way to track the virus back to its closest match, it parent stock, which in this case was earlier found in Gabon, Central Africa, in 2004.
A troubling question arises from a larger group of altered genes, 340 in number, mutated away from the 2004 Gabon-Congo predecessor. The first stage of the outbreak in Guinea, affecting fewer patients and a slower rate of transmission, should have produced less genetic changes than during the powerful surge in Sierra Leone. The numbers, 340 gene changes versus 50 later, do not tally with the history of this outbreak. There are too many altered genes. If another unreported outbreak happened between the Gabon and Guinea pandemics, then there are too few gene mutations.
The case for too many mutations: Laboratory samples are stored at freezing temperatures of about minus 40C to preserve the virus RNA unchanged. If Gabon-Congo had been stored in a lab over the past decade, samples should show much fewer changes.
If to the contrary, the Gabon-Congo virus ran wild in the bush for a decade, its genetic sequence should be showing many more mutations.
Something must have happened in between these two extremes. The virus must have gone through a stage of storage in deep freeze and also active transmission across a series of host animals or humans somewhere along the line, before it reemerged in humans and possibly animals in Guinea.
An intermediate infection arises from two possibilities, both involving human agency:
- the virus strain was altered over short periods inside fruit bats or apes in a natural setting or wildlife sanctuary before it was captured and frozen by biologists for many years inside the carcass of an animal specimen or isolated in a tube; or
- the Gabon-Congo pathogen was frozen and then covertly administered for research trials in lab animals, either to create antibodies for a serum or to increase its virulence as a bio-weapon.
The conclusion hits like a hammer blow: This ebola strain was under control of scientists for years before it was released last December into a new and distant population.
The A List
There were three microbiology teams involved in 2002-2003 Gabon-Congo:
- The Bundeswehr Institute of Microbiology (BIM) based in Munich;
- the Laboratory Centre for Disease Control (LCDC), based in Winnipeg, Canada; and
- the International Center for Medical Research (CIRMF), Franceville, Gabon.
The picture is complicated by the presence of many other participants in the World Health Organization (WHO) response to the latter phase of the Gabon-Congo outbreak. These include: the European Union Humanitarian Office (ECHO), French Cooperation, International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC) and the National Red Cross Society, Médecins sans Frontières-Holland (MSF-H), and UN High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR).
In the bush as well, there were Apes Incorporated and the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, active in the Gabon-Congo region starting in 2005. That team gathered stool samples from deceased gorillas, which is only a short-term repository for the virus. The possible entry of Zaire ebola from chimpanzee tests at an NIH lab in Lousiana back to Africa, via an illicitly obtained “orphan” lab chimp, was explored in Part 4 of this series. That scenario of a chain of unwitting accidents is, admittedly, the most far-fetched of possible transmission routes.
Level 3+ and Rising
The Centre International de Recherches Medicales de Franceville (CIRMF) is a bilateral research center for infectious diseases in humans and primates, founded in 1979. Its Board of Directors includes officials of the Gabon government and the French-owned petroleum corporation Total. One of the world’s six major oil transnationals, Total extracts oil at Port Gentil in Gabon. Its operations have been at the center of controversy involving unpaid local taxes and riots by local supporters of the opposition parties.
Total has a financial connection with Sanofi pharmaceutical company, which was a key suspect in possible covert drug testing in Guinea, as exposed in Part 3 of this series. Sanofi was founded in 1973 as a subdivision of Elf Aquitaine, a predecessor oil company merged into Total. The French oil corporation still has a less than 5 percent share holding in Sanofi, smaller than before but still quite significant. Total also has major interests in the oil basin of the Gulf of Guinea (Conakry). Therefore, the two pandemics could be motivated by petroleum interests.
Following a 1979 ebola outbreak in Gabon, the French government funded the CIRMF BioSafety Level 3+ lab, designated to handle highly contagious diseases. CIRMF is one of two research centers in Africa qualified to handle Risk 3/4 highly contagious diseases, including ebola. Located in a former uranium-mining town in southeast Gabon, its facilities include a large wild primate research facility housing 450 apes.
As the major center for ebola research in Central Africa connected with French strategic interests, CIRMF joins the suspect list for the West African outbreak. It is not inconceivable from a Machiavellian standpoint that a covert destabilization program was organized to increase French Africa’s dependency on France’s advanced biomedical base.
A Beautiful Friendship
The Francophone factor also puts bilingual Canada on the suspect list for outbreaks in two French African nations. If they couldn’t speak French, Canadian medical experts would not have been posted in Gabon.
Even with a language edge, it is strange that the Winnipeg-based National Microbiology Laboratory (NML-C), the same institute that was working on isolating two of there antibodies in the ZMapp drug cocktail, was operating in the Equatorial tropics in 2003. The research team was completely out of its bailiwick because its lab concentrates on Arctic and cold-climate pathogens of risk to the Canadians. Also, the lab is funded by the Public Health Agency, which supervises domestic medical care and does not function as a foreign-aid program. Canadians are potentially vulnerable to avian influenza and equine encephilitis, but certainly not to the ebola virus, which cannot survive the winter cold.
The public-funded lab was present in Gabon because its then director, Heinz Feldman, has deep background in secret work for the German military, as a graduate of University of Marburg and a researcher at the Bundeswehr’s biowarfare facility, leading centers for the study of ebola as a weapon of mass destruction. His posting in Manitoba, along with fellow German colleagues, is the legacy of top-secret Operation Matchbox, under which the British MI-5 spy service relocated hundreds of Nazi scientists to Canada and Australia to continue their development of weapons of mass destruction.
The Bundeswehr Institute of Microbiology, a military laboratory based in Munich, is traditionally focused on two biowarfare agents:
- Tularemia, a fever in rabbits, which was reportedly used in the Soviet defense against Nazi German forces during the siege of Leningrad in World War II. Those weaponized bacteria spores were introduced to the soils of Eastern Europe and Germany by casualties sent home for treatment and later the many fatalities sustained during the long disastrous retreat from the Eastern Front.
- Marburg virus, part of the filavirus group along with ebola, which was first reported during the mid-1960s outbreak at the Hoechst pharmaceutical plant, a former IG Farben facility, in Marburg, near Frankfurt.
In the search for an antidote to the African hemorrhagic fever, the University of Marburg evolved into a major center for research on the ebola virus. Meanwhile, the “democratic” and “peaceful” Bonn government managed a long-term cover-up as to why postwar Germany was continuing to weaponize hemorrhagic-fever viruses at both its civilian and military research institutes.
A simultaneous outbreak in Belgrade in the 1960s indicates that former Nazi scientists on both sides of the Cold War were developing a biological weapon, whose natural origins are in the pre-World War I colonies of German East Africa. Contrary to the myth of filovirus “discovery” in 1976, the Marburg mystery points to much earlier knowledge of hemorrhagic fevers. In the early 20th century, German scientists were suspected of spreading typhus against the indigenous African tribes confined at the Shark Island labor camp in the German colony of Namibia. Shark Island was also a center for eugenics research on pure-blood natives and mixed-race children.
While the German military stationed a mobile laboratory in the ebola-affected Gabon-Congo region, villagers in West Cuvette assaulted African medical workers dispatched from Brazzaville. The locals feared that they were being targeted in repeated biowarfare attacks. Across Africa, more and more ordinary citizens are convinced that the increasing frequent epidemics, amid military-style vaccination campaigns, are actually part of a genocide program. Paranoia? This is a grain of truth behind the rumors.
Perhaps the fear-mongers are correct, considering the reality, as pointed out by Professor Francis Boyle at the University of Illinois law school, that every major urban hospital in Africa is attached to a WHO-approved laboratory linked to Western military services. Among these army outfits was the Bundeswehr. Absent were the medics, orderlies and ambulance drivers who could have saved victims. Present instead were microbiologists and communications staff, there to collect blood samples, run field tests, upload data and ship materials back to Munich. Whatever the humanitarian intentions, it all looks bad, considering Germany’s part record with human experiments.
The distinguished microbiologist from Marburg University and the Bundeswehr institute, Professor Dr. Feldman, has since moved on to the Great Plains region at the Rocky Mountain Laboratory in Montana, under the National Institute for Allergy and Infectious Disease (NIAID), which also sponsors the Office of Biodefense Research Affairs. Feldman is an example of how German scientists have moved freely between Britain, the US and Canada ever since the 1950s.
At the Canadian National Microbiology Laboratory in Winnipeg, his students conducted trials of monoclonal antibodies (Mab) on chimpanzees the only basis for the efficacy claims for ZMapp. The antibody serum is nothing new, but quietly isolated and adapted by Feldman’s team from goat serum produced at Russia’s premier biowar lab called VECTOR, as reported in Part 5 of this series. The work on ebola in the remote prairie city of Winnipeg was disclosed in 2009 when the Canadian lab expressed an antidote dosage to the Bernard Nocht Institute for Tropical Medicine in Hamburg, where a German lab assistance needle-pricked her finger while working with a vial of active ebola.
The “rogue states” in Europe and North America impose censorship over disclosure of this sort of biowarfare development, which is disguised as public-funded “civilian research” at universities and national science institutes. Why? Because they are guilty of violating the UN Convention Against Biological Weapons. Scientists working on the well-rewarded secret research project are at an ethical level no better their predecessors at IG Farben, Unit 731 and Aralsk-7, the only difference being that their condemned human test subjects are not penned inside a neighborhood labor camp but remain unseen in far-off Africa.
Professor Feldman and his circle of research colleagues are the living personification of the German-Canadian virology cooperation established by his professional “forefathers” from the Nazi germ-warfare program, who were secretly relocated to Manitoba and Alberta under Operation Matchbox.
Inside the Dustbin of History
Kransberg Castle atop a monolith over the Rhineland cannot be called a fortress of the Third Reich since its legacy is as a fantasy retreat for Herman Goring and then a luxury detention center for Nazi scientists, engineers and war industrialists. After the Allied forces broke through the Siegfried Line, the last rampant of armor and artillery between the Eternal Reich and total defeat, the British and American counter-intelligence services took over the imposing medieval structure to wine and dine Nazi notables.
A sanctuary away from the flames, bomb blasts, unheeded cries for mercy and executioner gunshots, the banquet guest list included the crumbling regime’s most illustrious: rocket scientist Werner von Braun, Hitler’s architect Albert Speer, speed demon Ferdinand Porsche, Reichsbank boss Hjalmar Schacht and spymaster Reinhart Gehlen.
Kransberg was the Davos of its era, the seedbed for globalism, the birth of a new dawn of everlasting conviviality and confidentiality between the insiders who control the Great Powers. In the most disparaging terms, however, this highest-level joint intelligence project was called Operation Dustbin. Perhaps the indelicate reference to rubbish was intended to hide the fact from Uncle Joe Stalin that it was actually a gold mine of information.
While cordial to their German guests, the American and British officers were near the breaking point with each other. The disdain felt by generals Eisenhower and Montgomery toward each other was by then legendary. Each side at Kransberg tried to outdo its partner to impress their German guests with promises of leniency and remuneration. Despite the mutual distrust, both victors were in agreement that Germany’s brain trust should be spared severe punishment, whatever the crimes against humanity as propagandized to the world audience over the BBC and CBS.
The Yanks and the Brits had divergent opinions on what to do with their useful captives. The practical Americans adored the power of technology, especially when manifested in speed and strength. The Yanks were determined to grab the lion’s share of shiny futurist inventions that could transform their parochial and isolationist nation into the paragon of the future. Jet engines, rotor craft later renamed the helicopter and rockets were the very symbols of progress and world leadership. Hundreds of German aerospace experts were sent to Fort Bliss, Texas, including von Braun, Bernhard Tessman and Arthur Rudolph.
The British, on the other hand, were from a tiny island with a tenuous grip on a sprawling yet half-collapsed Empire. Their imperial mission was to restore the mirage of Rule Britannia over their reluctant subjects who just witnessed how the Japanese, Germans and Italians had smashed the myth of British invincibility. To reinvent the legitimacy of kingship, the the Freudian center in London called the Tavistock Institute aimed for an acquisition and merger of the Reich’s arsenal of psychiatric methods, pharmaceutical drugs, media propaganda and even occult studies. The British gave their utmost attention to winning hearts and minds, while the Yanks could care the less about making impressions when tossing over a pack of Lucky Strikes or a Hershey’s bar will do.
To sway the colonials in South Asia and Africa with feigned sincerity, the British had to return as saviors bearing the balm of tropical medicine. (The political role of vaccines in the colonial project is discussed in the last section below.) For invention of better and cheaper drugs, the Germans were indispensable.
Most of the senior chemists and microbiologists with the villainous Farben combine were also treated with courtesy at the castle, including Reich cancer research chief Kurt Blome and top virologist Erich Traub, who had conducted live experiments on Auschwitz prisoners. To make good on the wartime propaganda about German death camps, the Allied Tribunal at Nuremberg organized a show trial for medical researchers, chemists and microbiologists, which came to called alternatively the Doctor’s Trial or the IG Farben Trial.
The legal challenge for the Allied prosecutors was that Nazi Germany never released chemicals or biological agents on the battlefield, due to Adolf Hitler’s aversion to mustard gas from his soldiering experience in World War I. Punishing the Germans for medical experimentation on humans was also problematic, because live-testing was accepted as a standard practice in hospitals and prisons across Europe and North America. The prosecution was left with the weak argument that many procedures on prisoners were acts of sadism and not real science, charges vigorously denied by the defense team.
Most of the guilty served less than four years imprisonment, while the rest of the German scientific community, practically all of them comprised by research for the Reich, were questioned and then soon allowed to resume their careers. While the IG Farben scientists were serving out their short prison terms, the CIA converted Kransberg Castle from interrogation center into a finishing school for the Gehlen organization. The Wehrmacht spy agency for the Eastern Front was reborn in 1956 under CIA tutelage as the Bundesnachrichtendiest (BND), the intelligence agency for the new democratic Federal Republic of Germany.
Following the advice of experienced spymaster von Gehlen and with Vatican support, the Catholic-dominated CIA crafted an anti-Soviet strategy of running a secret war of espionage and sabotage inside Soviet-occupied Eastern Europe. With Allied sponsorship, Gehlen ran clandestine programs including Operation Gold to wiretap Soviet phone lines in Germany and Operation Bohemia to restore fascist movements in Soviet-occupied Eastern Europe, a legacy that continues to this day with the NATO exercises in Ukraine.
A massive secret program of subversion demands the dark arts of psychological manipulation with pharmacology, electric shock and electromagnetic mesmerism, along with invisible biological weapons to incapacitate Soviet counter-strikes. Advanced technologies is what black magic was supposed to be.
The once-belittled German microbiologists and pharmacologists were recontacted and soon put under civilian cover as executives with BASF, Bayer and other German chemical, pharmaceutical and veterinary products companies. Under assumed identities, senior scientists were given generous stipends, foreign passports and the extraordinary privileges of travel and access to major corporations in the West and Allied military labs and proving grounds. Otto Ambrose, the notorious IG Farben organic chemist, was appointed as science adviser to the CIA-affiliated J. Peter Grace Corporation, Dow Chemical and Grunenthal, the producer of a tranquilizer called thalidomide, which destroyed a postwar generation of infants.
The CIA and US Army would have hired on many more German microbiologists were it not for their acquisition of the Japanese Army’s Unit 731, whose exploits went beyond the unthinkable from unloosing plague, typhus and hantavirus on the battlefield and against cities in China. US officers admired their high-risk decisions that also killed thousands of their own soldiers. In comparison with these Japanese tigers, the German scientists were seen as no more courageous than laboratory mice. The US Army, which showed no respect for those introverts, perfectionists and armchair theorists, cherry-picked the most ruthless and sent them to Plum Island.
Bereft of the big names in German chemistry and bioscience, the British had to scrape the leftovers from the bottom of Dustbin, most of these being anonymous lab technicians. Thanks to the Unit 731 daredevils, there was still plenty of choice material in the dregs.
Then came Operation Matchbox, nominally an Anglo-American project (the Americans with their Paperclip played along only to keep a wary eye on the Brits). Matchbox was the code name for the relocation of hundreds of German scientists to Australia and Canada. One of the observers shopping for talent at the Nuremberg doctors’ trial was psychatrist Ewan Cameron, founder of McGill University’s Allen Memorial Institute.
Tavistock’s prize candidate, Dr. Werner Kohlmeyer, was sent to McGill University in Montreal to get Ewan Cameron up to speed on electroencephalography, or targeted electroshock “therapy”, which both scientists believe could re-engineer the mental structure of unwilling patients. The electromagnetism theories of Ukrainian-German bio-physicist Boris Rajewsky, a Nazi party member who often took short trips from Berlin, were tested at McGill-Allen, where patients were bombarded with a range of mood-altering radio frequencies, including those of the same wavelength in the synapses of the human brain. Stanley Kubrick’s “A Clockwork Orange” ends with a reference to behavioral modification through forcible listening to “music”.
German development of pharmacological agents for behavior modification were of intense interest to the administrators of Operation Matchbox. The synthetic opiate pentidine, developed at IG Farben by chemists Otto Eislib and Otto Schaumann, was one of the earlier mind-control drugs, prior to the invention of LSD and ketamine.
Cameron’s no-holds-barred experiments with German mind-control methods on the homeless, orphans and even patients quickly attracted the attention of the CIA, which was dabbling with chemical truth serums under Project Bluebird. The British and Canadian psyops researchers, on the leading edge of mind control, were welcomed back under Operation Artichoke by the cash-dispensing CIA. German science had fixed the broken machinery of the postwar Alliance.
With suitcases full of CIA dollars for psychological operations, Cameron worked with the superstars of German pharmacology in Montreal, whereas the non-glamorous slow-lane field of virology was shunted into the shadows in an era when most Americans and Canadians were not even aware that the common cold is caused by viral infection.
The obscure no-names of German toxicology, bacteriology and virology were packed off to remote Alberta where the Canadian Ministry of Agriculture was preparing eviction notices for 110 farm families in Suffield township to prevent their extermination by nerve gas and lethal viruses. For the German exiles, there were at least a couple of ratskellers for a stein of beer and liverwurst to relieve the monotony, but entertainment was sparse since Suffield lacked a theater with anything close to Prairie Home Companion.
As for names of those pedestrian lab workers, a handful are suspect through their scientist sons, who have a tendency to choke when asked in phone interviews. The official list will not be made public until the Official Secrets Act is rescinded or hell freezes over. The Commission of Inquiry on War Criminals, convened by Justice Minister Jules Deschênes, estimated that 76 accused scientists and technicians immigrated to Canada. After visa restrictions against Nazis was rescinded in the early 1960s, hundreds more flocked to the New World. The names, professions, job titles and places of employment are under Royal seal.
An intriguing story from a woman who claims she was abducted as child from Ireland provides a faint ray of light into Suffield’s role in psychological modification. She recalled being subjected to experiments there and at the Lincoln Park sector in Calgary, where US Air Force personnel were stationed. Verification of such stories in monarchist Canada is well nigh impossible, considering what was done in a Paris tunnel to a member of the Royal circle. It’s a tight ship with a short plank.
The nervous denials, sweaty palms and the faraway gaze of the second-generation science whiz are all due to the luck of the loon, none of it good. The waterfowl is stamped on the backside of the Canadian dollar coin. Head’s the Queen, tail’s a loon.
A Little Soused on the Prairie
Whenever the regal griffins spread their prodigious wings to take predatory flight, the Canadian loons were sure to follow, even sometimes outdoing their masters, if only in folly. On a drizzly spring morn, British Army microbiologists decided they needed more breathing space than inside the cramped quarters of Porton Down in old Salisbury. With modest curtsies when summoned, their colonial subjects and upstart cousins stepped forward to offer the wide open spaces of the North American hinterland.
So it came to pass that the three allies bound by tradition and blood, that being the blood of Germany and Russia, swore an oath of secrecy to save the world, for themselves. Fair England would remain focused in a temperate clime, brash America under the desert heat, and freezing Canada, well, frozen. Every bioweapon in their arsenal had to pass muster in three climatic zones, thereby leaving the dastardly enemy nowhere to hide on this planet.
The Yanks boasted of their vast Utah cantonment in Provo, the Dugway Proving Ground. Not to be outdone by their longtime rival, the Canadians promised to build the biggest military base in North America and the Commonwealth. With evil cackles, the three purveyors of witch’s brew stumbled back to their alchemist labs.
Stuck with a grandiose commitment made before sizing up the real estate prospects along the continental rail line, the loonies at the National Department of Defense with deepest sympathy told farmers in Cypress County, Alberta, in May and August 1941, that it was a patriotic duty to surrender their land and homes. In contrast with the still neutral United States, Canada was on a war footing nearly two years into World War II.
The Suffield Experimental Station was known to the locals as British Block, because quiet men from Porton Down often blocked the roads for some unannounced purpose. In addition to the farmlands, Ottawa threw in Wawaskesy National Park, which conveniently came with buffalo. Here, at last, was an incomparable site to gas, inject or poison animals and men without the annoyance of Druids and Wiccans seeking directions to Stonehenge on every equinox. Silence was guaranteed because the rural population was of ethnic German descent from Eastern Europe who were taught to keep their heads low by the anti-Bosch Anglicization campaign during World War I.
In the 1950s, Canadian servicemen were coaxed into volunteering for live tests of antidotes against the “common cold.” Later conceding that only “60 to 75” men had been live-tested with sarin nerve gas, Ottawa eventually came closer to the actual number of victims when it paid out $30 million to 1,350 survivors. The remaining 650 participants are unaccounted for, presumably dispatched to an early grave after suffering blisters, profuse bleeding, blindness and lung damage. The organophosphate toxin was brought over from Germany after the end of World War II by former Nazi scientists to test an antidote called atropine.
The Government of Canada, under pressure from prosecutors, paid compensation to their soldiers even though the secret human tests were ordered by the UK Defence Science and Technology Laboratory (Dstl) at Porton Down and supervised by British scientist Emlyn Llewelyn Davies. Decades later, a Canadian Defence Minister unveiled a plaque at Suffield in recognition of the 2,000 servicemen whose health and careers were wrecked by a misbegotten experiment in scientific sadism.
One of the mysteries of wartime research at Suffield is the curious presence of anthrax in the soils of the Canadian Plains, which has killed hundreds of buffalo at Wood Bison Park on Alberta’s northern boundary and at the Mackenzie River range west of Great Slave Lake in the Northern Territories.
Anthrax did not naturally occur in the pristine North American wilderness. The bacteria was introduced inadvertently into Quebec from Europe via non-sterilized animal hides sent to the province’s leather tanneries. The prairie region remained clear of anthrax until the opening of Suffield Block.
The herds at Mackenzie and Wood parks, originally from the Flathead Indian territory in neighboring Montana, were transferred from three former Canadian national parks in southern Alberta in the Medicine Hat region, near Suffield. For a while, the bison herds fared better in the colder pastures.
Was anthrax, a bioweapon used by Germany in World War I, tested on bison at Suffield? A damning clue is found in the type of anthrax that infects the middle provinces. The Sterne strain is a lab-modified bacteria type that is endemic to South Africa. Canadian bison anthrax is a weaponized subtype of the Sterne strain.
In the mid-1930s, South African veterinary pathologist Max Stern isolated a mutant of an aberrant bacteria spore that shed its coat when exposed to dry oxygen-rich air, becoming non-lethal. Once that strain was put into a carbon dioxide loaded atmosphere, the spores regained their potency. After Max Stern altered the bacteria to prevent its production of a replacement coat, his “avirulent” or non-infectious strain was used as a vaccine to trigger an immune reaction in cattle.
In the hands of military microbiologists, however, the Sterne strain was perfect in its normal state. Dry, it could be handled without harming friendly troops. Released from airplanes or artillery shells, the spores were easily ingested into the lungs of enemy troops, where carbon dioxide and moisture revive its toxicity. With a bit of tweaking of its bonds to increase its potency, the Sterne strain became a standard part of the bacterial arsenal.
Notably, it was the Sterne strain from Texas A&M University sent to the US Army Medical Research Institute for Infectious Diseases (USAMRIID) that was the actual agent used in the post-911 anthrax attacks against the American political elite. The anthrax was not the so-called “Ames” strain allegedly from the Department of Agriculture station in Iowa.
Here is an excerpt from The Washington Post, dated November 30, 2001, that disclosed Canadian, British and German cooperation with the Pentagon in biological weapons development:
“A report suggests that the strain of anthrax used in the attacks likely originated from USAMRIID and was shared with only a small number of other labs. USAMRIID gave it to Battelle Memorial Institute, in Columbus, Ohio; the University of New Mexico Health Sciences Center, in Albuquerque, New Mexico; the Defense Research Establishment Suffield, in Canada; the US Army Dugway Proving Ground, in Utah; and the Chemical Defense Establishment at Porton Down, Britain. These in turn sent it to seven more labs, for a total of a dozen. But only five labs total received the virulent form.”
Some of those seven additional labs had to be biowar research centers in Germany. Canada had to be used as a conduit due to certain sensitivities among congressional lobbyists about how German scientists conducted themselves during the war.
The Sterne bacterial outbreaks happen during long droughts, when infected soil is powderized as a rising dust that lifts up anthrax spores. Inhaled by the buffalo, the spores revive in the mixture of moisture and carbon dioxide in their lungs. Mature bulls are more prone to fatal infection, perhaps due to their larger lung capacity.
This entire episode of biowar experiments on bison is deep buried with the carcasses, while death will forever stalk the prairie. Moving along to happier subjects, Operation Matchbox was a puzzling code name for biowarfare since it is better suited to the pyromaniacs at Dow who invented napalm.
Under the Guise of Public Health
In June 1967, the Block was redesignated as the Defence Research Establishment Suffield. In 1971 Suffield was promoted to a full-grade military base under contract with the British Defence Ministry for live-fire exercises of tank units and artillery. In Operation Vacuum, chemical-warfare field exercises resumed with improved gear to make up “for shortcomings brought out in previous trials.”
The improvement on shortcomings was not meant as better protection for troops. The objective was to test the effectiveness of more potent sarin against troops wearing improved protective suits and gas masks. The goal was still to kill. A request from Porton Down inquired about lethality data at Suffield. Presumably, the field reports in question concerned human casualties, since Suffield staff had already sent test results on pigs and monkeys that died of sarin effects.
Then the unthinkable happened. British Prime Minister Edward Heath did a U-turn on biological weapons for reasons still are kept under wraps. Historians have yet to decipher whether he proposed a worldwide ban against biowarfare as part of his trade overtures to China, which had suffered the outrages of Unit 731, or in an attempt to appease black Africans opposed to an increasingly desperate Rhodesian army. After the UN passage of the UN convention, Rhodesia unleashed the biggest anthrax attack ever, killing at least 86 people between 1978 and 1980. The attack did not influence the liberation fighters, but was a gratuitous gesture as if to send the message to the British that bioweapons were developed for a larger purpose that cannot be denied.
The Canadian response to the UN Biological Weapons Convention of 1972 was to reassign military lab work from Suffield to the Public Health Agency’s new Biosafe Level 4 National Microbiology Laboratory in Winnipeg, Manitoba. The University of Manitoba inaugurated a new microbiology department to provide indentured labor for the labs.
To this day, to his hour of West Africa’s need, the tripartite relationship among Britain, Canada and the United States continues to thrive under German scientific leadership. In microbiology, at least, Germany won the battle for minds, if not hearts. And, still, the larger purpose cannot be denied.
A Therapeutic Global Order
Though we are closer to the truth through this series, the question “Who specifically released ebola in West Africa?” continues to elude us. At this point, we can only ask “Why?”
That answer is: To bring social-economic order to less-developed and poorly managed continents through a modern medical-procedural system. If political reforms persistently fail, then a life-threatening crisis is the most convincing means to effect regime change and reinforce obedient discipline among the local elite and its bureaucracy. Great epidemics motivate nation-states and municipalities to radically improve hospital systems, invest in public hygiene and impose vaccination. Bad habits must be destroyed. Biological warfare can be an agent of creative destruction.
That is the outlook from the therapeutic state with its pharmaceutical arsenal and advanced electromagnetic diagnostic systems. The globalized medical system, enshrined in the WHO with its many institutional allies and corporate partners, has the power of life or death over billions of humans and animals. Africa, like China before it, is the “sick man” of the world, where radical social surgery is required so that orderly financial administration and corporate management can take root. Ebola is the deadly boogeyman that will bring a lost continent back into the fold.
This unspoken program, which nonetheless functions as the operating system for global management, should explain why so much investment goes to the global medical authority from misanthropic sources like the Gates Foundation and the Wellcome Trust. The motivation does not arise from charity or compassion. It is power.
Biological warfare is therefore not for battles between armies, but deployed instead for the nonstop globalist war against national sovereignty, now being rolled back from the high-water mark of African liberation in the 1970s. The relationship between the West African outbreak and British-German biowarfare cooperation in Canada illustrates the role of modern medicine, especially vaccination campaigns, as an instrument for the (re-)colonization of the developing world.
As for citizens of the developed economies, they are the captive role models of the globalist therapeutic system, which transforms people into patients and translates health into disease, and social problems as sickness. Each month, the patient dutifully deposits an exorbitant share of household income into health insurance plans and swallows medication dosages on schedule, while every visit to a clinic is tracked electronically by an unidentified data service provider. Insurance funds and old-age pensions transfuse wages like blood into the arteries of the stock exchanges and bond markets, with profits to be harvested along with human organs by the tycoons and high bureaucrats.
The health-maintenance system is, by historical standards, the biggest gulag archipelago ever. It would an complete tragedy if not for the comic punchline: None of the above protects your personal health, when it is society that is sick.
The following excerpt, describing the early stage of medical imperialism, is from “Anthrax in South Africa: Economics, Experiment and the Mass Vaccination of Animals” by Daniel Gilfoyle, Medical History (Cambridge, Oct. 2006):
“The history of anthrax control in South Africa, which concerns public policy and technical innovation, relates to the wider historiography of medicine, science and technology in the British Empire. If Daniel Headrick has interpreted various innovations in science and medicine as ‘tools of empire’, which enabled colonists to conquer indigenous populations and overcome hostile environmental conditions, historians have more recently been concerned with the ways in which Western medicine assisted colonial administrations in extending social control over the colonized.
“Medical science underpinned militaristic public-health policies and sanitary measures, in which vaccination, particularly against smallpox, at times played a significant part. In Africa, such interventions sometimes disrupted long-established methods of disease control based on environmental regulation, with disastrous results for the health of the colonized.
“In South Africa too, historians have been concerned with the relation of racially biased medical institutions, public policies and private practice to the imposition and development of segregation and apartheid. In this regard, however, Harriet Deacon has suggested a contradiction between the analysis of Western medicine as a means by which the state extended control over Africans and the argument that Africans have suffered because they have been excluded from the benefits to health that it has potentially offered.”
The news media narrative from the ebola crisis is entertaining, as fiction should be. A secret serum is express-delivered, a chartered aircraft leased and luxury isolation wards provided for American missionaries versus local patients forced to rot inside a barbed-wire quarantine zone in a Monrovia slum. GlaxoSmithKline announces the start of production of an ebola vaccine, sending pharmaceutical shares through the ceiling in the City of London and on Wall Street. West African nations, rich in oil and minerals, are economically devastated by travel bans and rioting. Meanwhile, the chain of CDC and WHO research laboratories across the “dark continent” methodically collect blood samples for air-shipment to the CDC and other Western labs, but offer no effective public-health support, while African doctors and nurses die in droves. When nervous exhaustion finally sets in, African leaders will meekly come to terms and sign on the dotted line. Then the contagion will suddenly end, as if by magic.
Ebola is conquest by other means, through biological warfare. The hunt for the specific perpetrators continues, that is, if they don’t soon join the Dead Microbiologists Society.
Yoichi Shimatsu, a science journalist based in Hong Kong and Thailand, organized a medical-systems consulting team that promoted stopping contagion in the environment during the SARS and avian influenza outbreaks.
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